COULD THERE BE A COMMUNIST REVOLUTION IN CANADA?
Alone or with
several other capitalist countries, the working class will make the leap in
Canada
Daniel Paquet dpaquet1871@gmail.com
Future is rather bleak in Canada. “Both the manufacturing and natural resources
industries have already eliminated hundreds of thousands of jobs. Off shoring, technology and the Great
Recession contributed to losses among manufactures. Meanwhile, the commodities slump and slowing
demand whacked natural-resource positions.
Other industries predisposed to automation include accommodation, food
services, transportation, warehousing and agriculture.” (Younglai, Rachelle, Automation
could halve Canadian work force, The Globe and Mail, Report on
Business, Thursday, Toronto, June 8, 2017, page B11).
There is actually a fight back from the Communist
Party of Canada and other Canadian people’s organizations. For instance, the Council of Canadians
declared that “together this year we will challenge trade agreements, like
NAFTA, which are really corporate rights deals with benefit big business and
place corporate profit above the rights of families and communities. We will support communities taking on Big Oil
& Gas, whose pipelines and fracking operations are a direct threat to our
watersheds, land and air. We will take
on corporate giants like Nestlé and be an even stronger advocate for the
protection of our lakes, rivers and drink water. And we will amplify the call for a national pharmacare
program so that the most vulnerable in our society don’t have to choose between
groceries and the prescription drugs they need to live.” (Ottawa, Open
letter, May 26, 2017).
The bourgeoisie does not expect the Canadian people to
react on their regressive measures adopted to deliver even more profits. Why?
Because “growth in consumer spending should remain solid in 2017, supported
by steady gains in labour income as well as elevated housing and financial
wealth. Looking ahead, consumption
growth is expected to moderate broadly in line with growth in disposable
income. Elevated debt will also restrain
expenditures somewhat. The overall ratio
of debt to disposable income is expected to edge higher.” (Bank of Canada, Canadian
Economy, Monetary Policy Report, Ottawa, April 2017, page 19).
For bourgeois ideologists, Canadian working class will
never embrace the Marxist ideas and struggle under the leadership of the
Communist party. However, after World
War II (partly due to the role of the Red Army in the defeat of the Nazi regime
in Germany), hence “at the time of the foundation of the Labor-Progressive
Party (LPP, Communist Party of Canada, -Ed.), there were 90,000 workers in
unions which had elected Communists as their leaders. Some were new unions. Our position, A Labor Policy for
Victory, which I submitted to the
National Inquiry into Wages and Labour Relations, the McTague Commission, had a
positive influence on the labour movement in the sense that a very large number
of leading trade unionists who normally disagreed with us, and who saw our
Party only in terms of their political differences, acknowledged quite freely
that our submission laid down the line that the labour movement should pursue.”(Reminiscences
of Tim Buck, Yours in the Struggle, NC Press Limited, Toronto, 1977, page
325).
The following lines of Frederick Engels are still very
pertinent: “As long as the oppressed class, in our case therefore, the
proletariat, is not yet ripe to emancipate itself, it will in its majority
regard the exiting order of society as the only one possible and, politically,
will form the tail of the capitalist class, its extreme Left wing. To the extent, however, that this class
matures for its self- emancipation, it constitutes itself as its own party and
elects its own representatives, and not those of the capitalists. Thus, universal suffrage is the gauge of the
maturity of the working class. It cannot
and never will be anything more in the present-day state; but that is
sufficient. On the day the thermometer
of universal suffrage registers boiling point among the workers, both they and
the capitalists will know what to do. (…)
The society that will organize production on the basis of a free and equal
association of the producers will put the whole machinery of state where it
will then belongs: into the Museum of Antiquities, by the side of the spinning
wheel and the bronze axe.” (Tucker C., Robert, The Marx-Engels Reader,
W.W. Norton & Norton, New York-London, 1978, pages 754-755).
Many workers and other strata of working people argue that
in Canada, we have - at least (!)- freedom and democracy and that “Russia as a
communist state was never a free state”.
And they repeat ad nauseam,
that “Stalin was a blood-thirsty dictator”.
Let’s see first what the first leader of Soviet Union,
Lenin, said about the dictatorship of the proletariat: “Furthermore, during the
transition from capitalism to Communism suppression is still necessary; but it
is now the suppression of the exploiting minority by the exploited
majority. A special apparatus, a special
machine for suppression, the ‘state’, is still necessary, but this is now a
transitional state; it is no longer a state in the proper sense of the word;
for the suppression of the minority of exploiters by the majority of the wage
slaves of yesterday is comparatively so easy, simple and natural a task that it
will entail far less bloodshed that the suppression of the risings of slaves,
serfs or wage labourers, and it will cost mankind far less. And it is compatible with the extension of
democracy to such an over whelming majority of the population that the need for
a special machine of suppression will begin to disappear. The exploiters are naturally unable to
suppress the people without a highly complex machine for performing this task,
but the people can suppress the exploiters even with a very simple ‘machine’
almost without a special apparatus, by the simple organization of the armed
massed (such as the Soviets of Workers, and Soldiers’ Deputies, let us remark,
anticipating somewhat).” (Lenin, The State and Revolution, Foreign
Languages Press, Peking, 1970, page 77).
Just a few weeks ago the war-machine propaganda of
NATO predicted an imminent attack of North Korea onto the West. It was the end of it for the majority of
petits-bourgeois, starting within South Korea.
Now, Financial Times says: “South Korea suspends deployment of US
missile shield.” (London, Thursday, 8 June, 2017, page 2).
The reaction of US imperialism is, as everyone
expected very negative: “… Other analysts warned that Mr. Moon’s (the new South
Korean president –Ed.) decision could affect the regions’ strategic balance, to
the US’s disadvantage. ‘China’s playing
a very dangerous game using North Korea to drive a wedge between the US and
South Korea,’ said Thomas Karako, missile defense expert at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies.” (Ibidem, page 2).
Why being exploited, the working class is not taking
the lead to change the whole world?
Probably, the reason is that all of those organizations and mass-media
around the world, financed to discredit socialism, especially Soviet Union and
particularly the Stalin years contributed to stain durably communism and its
Marxist-leninist ideology. It is worthy
to think over again about the dictatorship of proletariat. Marx and Engels were clear on this necessary
episode in the construction of communism.
We saw that Lenin fully shared this point of view; Stalin was, after
Lenin, in command of the historic necessity to instigate it.
“The dictatorship of the proletariat arises not on the
basis of the bourgeois order, but in the process of the breaking up of this
order, after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, in the process of the
expropriation of the landlords and capitalists, in the process of the
socialization of the principal instruments and means of production, in the
process of violent proletarian revolution.
The dictatorship of the proletariat is a revolutionary power based on
the use of force against the bourgeoisie. (…)
The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be ‘complete’ democracy,
democracy for all, for the rich as well as for the poor; the dictatorship of
the proletariat ‘must be a state that is democratic
in a new way (my italics – J. St.) the proletarians and the non-propertied
in general) and dictatorial in a new way
(against (- my italics –J. St.) the bourgeoisie).” (Stalin, J., The
foundations of Leninism, The Dictatorship of the Proletariat, Foreign
Languages Press, Peking, 1975, pages 42-43).
Is it that society is doomed to never change? No, “class political consciousness can be
brought to the workers from without, that is, only from outside of the economic
struggle, from outside of the sphere of relations between workers and
employers.” (Lenin, What is to be done, Foreign languages Press, Peking, 1973, page
73).
Many amidst us have still in mind the huge 2012 demonstration
in the streets of Montréal, that brought 200 000 young and older people in
protest against social injustices, - especially financial- for the
post-secondary students; at the end of the day, one could have wrongly uttered that:
“A committee of students is no good. It
is not stable. Quite true. But, the conclusion
to be drawn from this is that we must have a committee of professional
revolutionaries and it does not matter whether a student or a worker is capable
of becoming a professional revolutionary.” (Lenin, V.I., What is to be done,
Foreign languages Press, Peking, 1973, page 111).
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