“Flash Points: The Emerging Crisis in Europe” with George Friedman, Foun...

ΚΗΔΕΙΑ ΓΙΑΝΝΑΣ ΤΡΙΚΑΛΙΝΟΥ - ΑΠΟΧΑΙΡΕΤΙΣΜΟΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ Γ. ΚΑΤΗΜΕΡΤΖΗ , ΠΕΑΕΑ...

Joseph Stalin (Documentary footage)

Giannis Parios - Mikis Theodorakis (Stròse to stròma sou)

Miguel Figueroa: Venezuela is a secure home for the democratic rights of...

Trump or Biden? | US Imperialism

Downtown - The Saw Doctors feat. Petula Clark (Official Video)

Ευτυχία Παπαγιαννοπούλου - Aξέχαστα τραγούδια (by Linda)

Στιγμιότυπα από τη συγκροτημένη πορεία παρά την προσπάθεια διάλυσης της ...

Imperialism on Trial – Joti Brar

October Revolution: 103rd anniversary

Metallica: Nothing Else Matters (Official Music Video)

Metallica: Nothing Else Matters (Official Music Video)

Uyghur 'unrest' was a CIA narrative planned to destabilize China, top US...

Tensions rise in US as Trump incites radical supporters, Democrats plan reckoning By Yang Sheng Source: Global Times Published: 2020/11/6 19:50:58 ________________________________________ US President Donald Trump's reelection chances are fading away as more votes are counted in battleground states. Biden has taken the lead in Pennsylvania over President Trump as of press time, widened his advantage in Nevada and overtaken Trump in Georgia, moving closer to securing the 270 electoral votes needed to win the election. As vote counts push Biden closer to victory, Trump said at a press briefing from the White House on Thursday night that the election was being "stolen" from him. Without offering any evidence, Trump suggested corruption and fraud in the states where Biden flipped, and predicted "lots of litigation" since they "can't have an election stolen like this." Chinese analysts said Republicans, who will likely retain the majority in the Senate, are keeping a distance from Trump, which is a clear sign of Trump's failure. Jin Canrong, associate dean of the School of International Studies at Renmin University of China, told the Global Times on Friday that although Trump plans legal challenges, the possibility for him to change the situation is very low. "At Trump's press conference, Vice President Mike Pence was nowhere in sight. This could mean the Republicans are keeping a distance from Trump, and may even be abandoning him," Jin said. AP reported that the Republicans have already secured 48 seats in the Senate, three seats away from the majority, while the Democrats have 46 as of press time. "Without support from the Republicans, Trump's legal challenges in multiple battleground states are unlikely to receive enough political, logistical and financial resources," Jin said. Post-election unrests? While Trump takes a fighting stance, his backers, especially in these crucial battleground states, seem to have become more irrational - making online threats, ramping up demonstrations, spreading unverified information of election "fraud and corruption," or staging protests at vote counting venues. Shen Yi, an expert on US politics and international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, told the Global Times on Thursday that both sides are trying to use social media networks to organize to impact the vote counting process, but nationwide chaos is unlikely. "Some radical Trump supporters are playing old tricks such as spreading disinformation and launching sectarian and anti-intellectualism propaganda. But it seems social media platforms and US mainstream media are containing their voices," Shen said. US media reported that many Trump supporters have become the hub of disinformation and hatred, sowing conspiracy theories and falsely claiming that the ballot count was being rigged, and called for demonstrations. For example, Facebook on Thursday banned a large group called "Stop the Steal" which Trump supporters have been using to organize protests against the presidential vote count. Some of its members had called for violence, and many claimed Democrats are "stealing" the election. Twitter permanently suspended an account belonging to former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon after he suggested Thursday morning that Dr. Anthony Fauci and FBI Director Christopher Wray should be "beheaded." His comments came in a video posted on Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter. Bannon falsely claimed Trump had won reelection, despite several key states still being too close to call, and said that he should fire Fauci and Wray. Aside from organizing rallies, Trump supporters were also found sowing violence. According to The Hill, a Colorado police officer named Jason Taft has been placed on leave after sharing a post on Facebook threatening Democrats and calling on supporters of Biden to "please meet me at the battlegrounds." The officer also left a comment on Facebook saying "I'm ready to leave my job just so I can hurt these people that act like they know what real life is about." Threatening others and spreading false information are not only what Trump supporters are doing to help him. After the video of Trump's spiritual advisor Paul White leading a strange prayer service for his victory went viral, other Trump supporters were seen kneeling and praying outside the Clark County Election Department Office in Nevada on Thursday night. Shen said this is the first time that almost every political force in the US political system, except the military, has been involved in the election and could have very intense interactions. This is a significant and unprecedented chance for Chinese people and scholars to research on and observe the problems of modern US democracy. Photo: Xinhua Using riots "To what extent the unrests will take place depends on the state governments and law-enforcement agencies in those battleground states - to encourage or connive with the protesters, or suppress them," Shen said. Police in Portland arrested 11 people and seized fireworks, hammers and a rifle after demonstrations on Wednesday, the night after voting in the US presidential election, Reuters reported. Some observers said Trump's grassroots radical supporters are still cooperating with Trump to pressure the vote counting process and the media, so Trump might want to use them to create more civil unrest and riots, and to force the Democrats not to hunt him down on alleged tax fraud and other issues after he leaves the White House. "This would be very dangerous for Trump and his family, because if Trump uses his supporters to bring further damage to US society, he should be held accountable, and the Democrats and the Biden administration won't let him just go away easily," Jin noted. But based on the number of votes that Trump had this time, populist and far-right political forces have been underestimated in the US. So if the future Biden administration wants to hunt Trump down and put him in jail after he leaves office, this would be highly risky since it would anger Trump supporters and cause nationwide unrest, Jin said. Posted in: AMERICAS

I Attended the Meng Wan Zhou Trial in Vancouver

Imperialism on Trial – Joti Brar

Imperialism on Trial – Joti Brar

Serge Reggiani - Le Déserteur (Et Prélude "Dormeur Du Val")

Bonjour Tristesse (1958) - Juliette Greco

ΚΙΝΗΤΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ ΣΤΑ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ ΝΟΣΟΚΟΜΕΙΑ

"ΝΥΧΤΑ ΜΑΓΙΚΙΑ" ΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑΚΗΣ - 1000 ΧΟΡΩΔΟΙ

ΣΥΝΕΝΤΕΥΞΗ ΤΥΠΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΠΛΑΙΣΙΟ ΠΑΛΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΙΣ ΔΙΕΚΔΙΚΗΣΕΙΣ ΤΩΝ Φ...

ΠΑΡΕΜΒΑΣΗ ΤΟΥ Ν. ΑΜΠΑΤΙΕΛΟΥ ΣΤΟΝ ΘΕΜΑ FM

ΟΜΙΛΙΑ ΤΟΥ Δ. ΚΟΥΤΣΟΥΜΠΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΡΔΙΤΣΑ

ΑΠΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ ΠΟΙΗΜΑΤΟΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΗΔΕΙΑ ΤΟΥ Β. ΜΠΟΥΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ Μ. ΦΥΤΣΙΛΗ

Η ΟΜΙΛΙΑ ΤΟΥ Δ. ΚΟΥΤΣΟΥΜΠΑ ΣΤΟ 46ο ΦΕΣΤΙΒΑΛ ΚΝΕ ΟΔΗΓΗΤΗ

ΜΗΝΥΜΑ ΤΟΥ Δ. ΚΟΥΤΣΟΥΜΠΑ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΟ ΚΚ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ

Sarah Brightman - Scarborough Fair (Video)

Eiszauber 2018 Bonnie Tyler

Capitalism vs. Socialism: A Soho Forum Debate

Εκδήλωση για τα αποκαλυπτήρια του μνημείου του ΚΚΕ στη Μακρόνησο - Ομιλί...

ICI Radio-Canada Vous naviguez sur le nouveau siteAller au contenu principalAller au pied de pageAide à la navigation Radio-Canada (Retour à l'accueil) MENU EN DIRECT Ça date pas d'hier avec Catherine Lachaussée Ça date pas d’hier vous invite à voyager dans le temps et les archives pour faire le pont entre l’actualité d’hier et d'aujourd'hui. Les enjeux ont-ils tant changé? À vous de le découvrir! CATHERINE LACHAUSSÉE Aussi passionnée que curieuse, Catherine Lachaussée a fait sa marque à la barre de nombreuses émissions de radio et de télévision à Radio-Canada avant de plonger avec enthousiasme dans ce nouveau projet web qui réunit deux de ses grandes passions : l’actualité et l’histoire. Des élèves de 5ième année se pressent autour de la statue grandeur nature de René Lévesque, alors qu'on vient d'annoncer que la statue sera remplacée par une autre plus grande. Selon certains, la statue faisant 1 mètre 63, comme l'ex premi ministre, suscitait les préjugés à cause de sa petite taille. Cinq monuments et statues qui ont eu la vie dure à Québec Voici cinq monuments de Québec qui ont subi le désamour des citoyens. Cinq monuments et statues qui ont eu la vie dure à Québec Publié le samedi 5 septembre 2020 à 7 h 15 Des élèves de 5ième année se pressent autour de la statue grandeur nature de René Lévesque, alors qu'on vient d'annoncer que la statue sera remplacée par une autre plus grande. Selon certains, la statue faisant 1 mètre 63, comme l'ex premi ministre, suscitait les préjugés à cause de sa petite taille. Des élèves de cinquième année jettent un coup d'oeil amusé à la statue «grandeur nature» de René Lévesque, devant le parlement de Québec, en 2001. Que ce soit pour des raisons politiques, historiques ou simplement esthétiques, nos monuments et statues ont souvent eu la vie dure. La statue de John A. MacDonald, récemment décapitée à Montréal, en est une preuve récente. Voici cinq exemples, parfois rocambolesques, qui montrent que Québec n’échappe pas au phénomène! UN TEXTE DE CATHERINE LACHAUSSÉE Maurice Duplessis, en punition au fond d’un entrepôt La saga entourant la statue de Maurice Duplessis fait sans doute partie des épisodes les plus divertissants de la politique québécoise. Le premier ministre vient à peine de mourir, en septembre 1959, quand son successeur, Paul Sauvé, fait voter les crédits pour élever une statue à sa mémoire. Elle est exécutée à Paris par Émile Brunet, qui relève le défi de travailler d’après photos. Mais quand elle est livrée par bateau, deux ans plus tard, le libéral Jean Lesage a pris le pouvoir et n’a aucune envie d’honorer son ancien adversaire. Déposée à la porte du Musée de la province de Québec (l’actuel MNBAQ), la statue poireaute plusieurs mois dans la cour, sans sortir de sa caisse. Puis quelque part en 1962, elle disparaît, au grand dam des journalistes, qui continuent de chercher sa trace. La statue de Maurice Duplessis pose fièrement au milieu d'un amoncellement d'objets saisis par la justice, dans l'entrepôt où elle vient de passer 10 ans à l'insu du grand-public. C'est la première fois qu'on peut enfin la voir. Une rare photo de la statue de Duplessis dans un entrepôt du ministère de la Justice, au 54, rue Dorchester, alors qu'on la dévoile pour la première fois aux journalistes. Photo : Montreal Star En 1973, à l’émission télévisée Appelez-moi Lise, le chat sort finalement du sac. Plus de 10 ans après les faits, un haut fonctionnaire confesse avoir caché la statue à la demande de Jean Lesage. Le premier ministre avait tenu à ce qu’on ne lui dise rien de l’endroit où elle se trouvait. La statue de Duplessis est retrouvée dans un entrepôt du Ministère de la Justice, sur la rue Dorchester, à Québec, entre deux machines à boules saisies par la police. Même alors, Duplessis, associé à la grande noirceur, demeure un personnage contesté. En 1977, le maire de Sept-Îles refuse d’accueillir la statue, prétextant avoir peur des vandales. Le maire de Schefferville, où Duplessis a rendu l’âme, passe aussi son tour. C’est finalement René Lévesque qui met fin à la saga, jugeant que la controverse a assez duré. Duplessis prend officiellement sa place devant l’Assemblée nationale le 9 septembre 1977. Lévesque est alors loin de se douter que, dans quelques années, c’est sa propre statue qui fera la manchette... René Lévesque : un problème de taille La statue originale de René Lévesque, dévoilée en grande pompe devant le parlement en 1999, est née d’une idée originale. Pour cet homme proche des gens, on avait opté pour une sculpture grandeur nature, sans socle. Inutile de dire qu’au milieu des autres statues, toutes plus imposantes, celle de l'ancien premier ministre se distingue d’autant plus qu'il était de petite taille. Pendant plusieurs mois, la statue fait la joie des badauds, ravis de lui glisser un mégot de cigarette entre les doigts ou de se photographier en train de l’enlacer. Mais en 2001, certains jugent que l’ex-premier ministre mérite plus de respect. Corinne Côté-Lévesque au moment de l'inauguration de la deuxième statue de René Lévesque dans sa version agrandie de plus de 2 mètres. Elle n'avait pas caché qu'elle préférait l'original. La veuve de René Lévesque, Corinne Côté-Lévesque, plutôt songeuse devant la statue agrandie de son mari. Elle avait avoué préférer la version originale. Photo : La Presse canadienne/Clément Allard Une nouvelle statue est commandée, faisant passer Lévesque de sa taille originale, 5 pieds 4 pouces (1,63 m) à plus de 8 pieds (2,46 m). Le changement fait jaser. Des médecins s’inquiètent même du message qu’on envoie aux jeunes : Faut-il mesurer 6 pieds pour compter? écrivent-ils dans une lettre publiée par La Presse, en plein débat sur l’utilisation des hormones de croissance sur les enfants. La nouvelle statue ne fait pas l’unanimité, certains la jugeant difforme. Le sculpteur, Fabien Pagé, aura tenté tant bien que mal de reproduire l’oeuvre originale en plus grand. Quant à la petite statue, elle part se faire oublier dans un parc de New Carlisle, où le premier ministre a passé une partie de son enfance. Un Dialogue avec l’histoire recadré Inauguré en 1987, en même temps que la Place de Paris, le Dialogue avec l’histoire s’impose rapidement comme l’un des monuments les plus mal-aimés de Québec. L'oeuvre « Dialogue avec l'histoire » avant sa démolition par la Ville de Québec. L'oeuvre « Dialogue avec l'histoire » avant sa démolition par la Ville de Québec. Photo : Flickr D’abord qualifié de Colosse de Québec et de solide hommage à nos ancêtres français par le maire Jean Pelletier, il ne tarde pas à hériter de surnoms beaucoup moins flatteurs, comme le bloc blanc ou le bloc Lego. Quand va-t-on le déballer? demande un farceur cité par Le Devoir, quelques semaines après le dévoilement. Il n’est pas intégré à son environnement, confie une guide, deux ans plus tard, au journal Le Soleil. En 2004, le maire L’Allier songe à repenser la place et sa sculpture pour les Fêtes du 400e. Puis la controverse atteint son point culminant en 2015, quand l’oeuvre, jugée trop usée pour être sécuritaire, est pulvérisée de façon spectaculaire par l’administration Labeaume. Une grue munie d'une énorme perceuse s'occupe à mettre en pièce le monument cubique de la place de Paris. Les tuiles ont cédé la place au béton armé, qui sera bientôt pulvérisé avec fracas. La démolition de l'oeuvre du «Dialogue avec l'histoire», en 2015. Indigné par les méthodes de la ville, son créateur, Jean-Pierre Raynaud, évoque même des poursuites. L’oeuvre renaît finalement grâce au mécène Marc Bellemare. Plus massive que la version originale, elle ne semble plus faire sourciller personne dans le Parc de l’Amérique-Française, où elle est maintenant installée, à deux pas du Grand théâtre de Québec. Le parc Victoria privé de sa reine Québec a longtemps eu sa statue de la reine Victoria, dans le parc qui porte son nom. La statue comme le parc ont été inaugurés en 1897, pour souligner le 60e anniversaire de l’accession de la reine au trône d’Angleterre. Québec ne voulait pas être en reste, alors que tout l’Empire britannique était en liesse. Un passant s'attarde devant l'inscription au pied de la statue de la reine Victoria, dans le parc du même nom, par une belle journée d'été ensoleillée. La statue de la reine Victoria dans son parc et entourée de ses canons, comme elle était avant d'être décapitée par une explosion. Photo : Archives de la ville de Québec, avant 1963 D’autres villes canadiennes s’étaient aussi dotées d’une statue de Victoria, mais celle-là passait comme l’une des plus majestueuses aux yeux de ses admirateurs, jusqu’à ce que ce symbole monarchique par excellence soit ciblé par le FLQ. Durant une nuit de juillet, en 1963, la statue est décapitée par une explosion si forte qu’on l’entend dans toute la ville. Au matin, on retrouve l’échelle utilisée pour fixer la charge explosive encore appuyée sur le socle de la statue, et des débris sur une dizaine de mètres à la ronde. La Une du journal «Le Soleil» au lendemain de l'explosion de la statue de la reine Victoria, avec son gros titre : «La statue de la reine Victoria est dynamitée, Détonation d'une extrême violence — Est-ce l'oeuvre de terroristes ou de vandales? — se questionnent les journalistes. La statue repose contre son socle, auquel une échelle est encore appuyée. La Une du journal «Le Soleil», dans les heures qui suivent l'explosion de la statue de la reine Victoria, le 12 juillet 1963 Photo : BAnQ, Journal Le Soleil Si le socle est resté sur place, la statue n’a jamais retrouvé son parc. L’idée a bien été évoquée, au moment de célébrer le 400e de Québec, mais remettre la tête sur l’oeuvre fragilisée comportait sa part de défis, et couler une nouvelle statue ne faisait pas l’unanimité. L’idée fut donc abandonnée. Après avoir été exposée — en deux morceaux — au Musée de la Civilisation, Victoria coule des jours tranquilles dans la réserve muséale de la capitale, à l’abri des bombes et des intempéries, pendant que les autres statues de la reine, partout au pays, continuent d'être régulièrement arrosées de peinture. Les multiples vies du monument Wolfe En 1963, quelques mois avant l’explosion de la statue de la reine, le monument Wolfe installé sur les plaines d’Abraham avait subi le même sort. Une charge explosive l’avait réduit en morceaux. Une photo ancienne montre le monument Wolfe entouré de sa clôture de métal, dans les vastes champs que sont alors les plaines d'Abraham. Un homme en calèche au pied du monument donne une idée de sa grandeur, d'une bonne dizaine de mètres. Le monument Wolfe, tel qu'on pouvait le voir à partir de 1846. Les plaines d'Abraham étaient encore un vaste champ. Photo : Archives nationales du Canada/William Notman & Son Le monument avait alors une longue histoire derrière lui. La colonne de 11 m de haut avait été inaugurée en pleine crise du choléra, en 1913, ce qui avait obligé les autorités à se passer de cérémonie publique. Elle se dressait sur le site où l’armée anglaise avait roulé une pierre pour situer l’endroit où le général anglais était mort, lors de la bataille des plaines d’Abraham. Une demi-colonne avait ensuite marqué le site. On y avait inscrit Here died Wolfe Victorious, sept. 13, 1759. L’inscription était toujours présente au moment de l’explosion — en anglais seulement. Le monument était longtemps resté protégé par une clôture de fer. On ne l’avait retirée qu’en 1960. Une grande croix et les lettres «F.L.Q.» s'étalent en rouge sur le socle et la plaque du monument Wolfe, sur le plaines, près du Musée national des beaux-arts du Québec. Le monument Wolfe a été vandalisé plus souvent qu'à son tour au fil du temps. Photo : Radio-Canada Les travaux de réfection dureront deux ans. Ils seront l’occasion d’installer des plaques — bilingues cette fois — rappelant l’histoire du monument. On en profite aussi pour retirer le mot victorieux de la citation sur le général, histoire de ne pas raviver les plaies anciennes. Savoir mettre en contexte l’art public était déjà un défi à l’époque. Ce qui n’empêchera pas le monument Wolfe d’être régulièrement vandalisé par la suite. PARTAGERPARTAGER VIA FACEBOOK (OUVRE UNE FENÊTRE MODALE NON-GÉRÉE PAR RADIO-CANADA)FacebookPARTAGER VIA TWITTER (OUVRE UNE FENÊTRE MODALE NON-GÉRÉE PAR RADIO-CANADA)TwitterPlus On aperçoit la grande scène, un kiosque installé dans un wagon de train et le village des arts ceinturés par une grande murale de béton coloré sur les plaines d'Abraham, avec le fleuve comme arrière-fond. L'été magique de la Superfrancofête Le spectacle d'ouverture de la Superfrancofête de 1974, avec Leclerc, Vigneault et Charlebois, a fait école. Un jeune prêtre observe le dirigeable en direction du château Frontenac dans le ciel de Québec. Il est accoudé à une balustrade ouvragée, sur le toit dégagé d'un grand édifice. On le voit de dos, mais il tient visiblement des longues vues. Il y a 90 ans, le R-100 captivait le Québec Du 31 juillet au 13 août, le dirigeable anglais a fait parler de lui tous les jours. L'impressionnante façade Art déco de l'édifice Price domine le Vieux-Québec comme on le voit dans une vue prise en contre-plongée sous les lampadaires qui bordent le parc de l'hôtel de ville voisin. 12 demeures de premiers ministres à découvrir dans le Vieux-Québec Saviez-vous qu’un nombre étonnant de premiers ministres québécois ont eu leur maison dans le Vieux-Québec? Ça date pas d’hier propose un ... Une femme inquiète est sur le point de se faire vacciner, alors qu'autour d'elle des gens sont en train de se transformer en bovins. Les premiers vaccins, tirés de la vaccine, ont inspiré ce dessin satirique. La bataille des vaccins : une histoire de la vaccination au Québec La course contre la montre pour trouver un vaccin à la COVID-19 est un nouveau jalon dans l’histoire de la vaccination. Une histoire qui a ... Churchill et Mackenzie King saluent triomphalement la foule compacte qui l'entoure, debout dans leur voiture décapotable. Même les responsables de la sécurité ne peuvent s'empêcher de sourire. Les Conférences de Québec : un tournant dans la Seconde Guerre mondiale La Seconde Guerre mondiale donna lieu à plusieurs rencontres alliées dans le monde libre. Québec sera le théâtre de deux d’entre elles, en ... Un montage photographique montre le jeune pilote Pierre Laurin, un avion en vol et des hauts fonctionnaires de la Royal Air Force posant devant un avion au sol. Du Québec à Londres : la grande aventure du pont aérien de la Seconde Guerre mondiale Il y a 75 ans, la Seconde Guerre mondiale prenait fin après avoir touché tous les continents. Certaines de ses opérations demeurent ... Un fauteuil, des masques au mur, et une bibliothèque vaste et bien remplie chez l'historien Pierre Lahoud donnent envie de s'asseoir pour y passer du temps. Lectures historiques en temps de confinement Les historiens forment-ils une communauté solidaire? En tout cas, comme le prouvent leurs bibliothèques, ils aiment se lire les uns les ... Des femmes baignent et savonnent des enfants dans une image colorée et humoristique faisant la publicité d'un savon américain du 19e siècle. Épidémies et santé publique : la petite histoire de l’hygiène au Québec Désinfecter. Isoler les malades. Se laver les mains. Si vous vous sentez réceptif aux consignes des autorités publiques pour lutter contre ... Un bâtiment au toit en forme d'arche se dresse, avec en façade de nombreuses fenêtres aux contours ouvragés. Un escalier élégant mène à une double porte vitrée en bois. Les plans retrouvés du Skating Rink de 1878 Soigneusement entreposés dans les tiroirs de BAnQ, ils dormaient depuis peut-être des décennies. Des patineurs élégants et chaudement vêtus tourbillonnent sur une patinoire intérieure en 1860. Des fenêtres font entrer la lumière naturelle, et un patineur est occupé à mettre ses partins sur un banc, au premier plan. La première patinoire intérieure du Canada en 1851... à Québec Le nouveau Centre de glaces en construction à Sainte-Foy est le dernier d’une longue lignée : la première patinoire intérieure de la ... Deux pilotes négocient un virage pendant le Grand Prix Esso des Plaines d'Abraham en 1972. Il y a 55 ans, un Grand Prix automobile sur les plaines d’Abraham Pour la 1ère fois de son histoire, le Carnaval présentait une course d’autos sur glace sur les plaines d’Abraham, le 14 février 1965. AFFICHER PLUS Partager cette page PARTAGERPARTAGER VIA FACEBOOK (OUVRE UNE FENÊTRE MODALE NON-GÉRÉE PAR RADIO-CANADA)FacebookPARTAGER VIA TWITTER (OUVRE UNE FENÊTRE MODALE NON-GÉRÉE PAR RADIO-CANADA)TwitterPlus Tous droits réservés © Société Radio‑Canada 2020. Haut de page

Young Communist League of Britain For Peace, Jobs and Socialism in our Lifetime Welcome, comrade! SERIOUS ABOUT SOCIALISM? THEN JOIN THE YCL! The Young Communist League (YCL) is a political youth organisation and the youth wing of the Communist Party of Britain. We fight for working class and people power and Socialism. Join us and join revolutionary young people throughout Britain who are part of the mass movement of struggles against the capitalist ruling class and for a better future – in communities, work, schools and universities. Like our Facebook page and follow us on Instagram and Twitter for the latest news and views and campaigns and events where you are. We are a Marxist-Leninist organisation, which means we follow the theories and practice of Marx, Engels and Lenin and the experiences of the Communist Parties and the socialist countries since 1917. We are the youth wing of the Communist Party of Britain, established 1921, a year after the Communist Party of Great Britain was founded, with our own activities, committees and priorities that you can be a part of. We campaign and organise together and individually, not only as the YCL, but also in broad left-wing alliances and other organisations, fighting for the interests of young workers and students. We are internationalist in the true sense of working class solidarity. We are part of the global Communist youth movement, as well as members of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, a UN-recognised youth organisation that has brought together young people from across the world in unity against war and imperialism, and for peace and social and economic progress since 1945. The YCL is a democratic organisation for people under 30 years of age with branches and members in every corner of Britain, in the cities and regions, in England, Scotland, Wales and Cornwall. And there is a place for you too. Serious about Socialism? Then click here to join the YCL! For Peace, Jobs and Socialism in our Lifetime! Read the latest statements from the YCL. Learn more about the YCL and what we do. Take a look at our programme and more on Marxism-Leninism. Ed. June 2020 SHARE THIS Click to email this to a friend (Opens in new window)Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)Click to share on WhatsApp (Opens in new window) Latest statements Press in the Murdoch Media: YCL involvement in Extinction Rebellion protests 5 Sep 2020 YCL: Response to the article in The Times about the YCL and Extinction Rebellion 5 Sep 2020 YCL: Fight back against the unjust A Level and vocational qualification results! 16 Aug 2020 Donate to the YCL SEARCH FOR: Search … Creative Commons Licence Communist Party of Britain The People’s Daily World Federation of Democratic Youth

ΠΑΡΕΜΒΑΣΗ ΤΗΣ Γ. ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΔΗΛΩΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΚΟΑ ΤΟΥ ΚΚΕ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΥΓΕΙΑ ΤΟ...

ΤΟΠΟΘΕΤΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ Γ.ΔΕΛΗ ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΜΕΤΡΑ ΣΤΑ ΣΧΟΛΕΙΑ

Sarah Brightman - Scarborough Fair at the 2013 Beijing Film Festival

تحركات أمريكية إيرانية ببيروت.. وأساطيل عسكرية غربية قبالة المرفأ | حديث...

Ο Κ. ΙΩΑΝΝΙΔΗΣ ΣΤΟ OPEN

Lola Marsh - She's a Rainbow

Ο Ν,. ΣΟΦΙΑΝΟΣ ΣΤΗ ΦΩΝΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΑΔΟΣ

"Όλη η Ελλάδα για τον Μίκη" - 1000 Χορωδοί - Καλλιμάρμαρο 19/6/2017 Όλ...

Adolf Hitler: Speech at Krupp Factory in Germany (1935) | British Pathé

German Invasion Of Russia - June 1941 (1941)

Όλη η Ελλάδα για τον Μίκη - Μέγαρο Μουσικής Αθηνών - Ο Χορωδιακός Μίκης

Χάρις Αλεξίου - Μεγάλωσα

Sen. Kamala D. Harris named as Joe Biden’s running mate Biden picks Sen. Kamala D. Harris as vice presidential nominee Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden picked Sen. Kamala D. Harris (D-Calif.) as his running mate on Aug. 11. (Mahlia Posey, Blair Guild/The Washington Post) By Matt Viser and Amanda Erickson August 11, 2020 at 6:34 p.m. ADT Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden on Tuesday picked Sen. Kamala D. Harris (D-Calif.) as his running mate. Harris will be the first Black woman and first Asian American to run for vice president, representing a historic choice at a moment when the country is grappling with its racial past and future. Biden’s announcement, made in a text and tweet, elevated a former presidential candidate whose most electric campaign performance came when she criticized his record on school integration during a debate. “Back when Kamala was Attorney General, she worked closely with Beau,” Biden tweeted, referring to his late son, then the attorney general of Delaware. “I watched as they took on the big banks, lifted up working people, and protected women and kids from abuse. I was proud then, and I’m proud now to have her as my partner in this campaign.” Harris, 55, is the daughter of Indian and Jamaican immigrants. The first-term senator previously served as San Francisco district attorney and California attorney general. Biden and Harris are scheduled to appear together, in person, on Wednesday for the first time as a ticket, following the debut of a new logo and a new campaign website. The move puts Biden, who served as vice president to the nation’s first Black president, in a history-making role in naming the nation’s first Black woman vice-presidential nominee. He also has pledged, if elected, to name a Black woman to the Supreme Court. The decision carries major implications not only for the November election but for the future of the Democratic Party. Biden, 78 years old by Inauguration Day, would be the oldest president ever and has said he considers himself “a transition candidate.” The choice places Harris at the forefront of the party’s future. Following a months-long process, which included vetting nearly a dozen women as potential nominees, Biden on Tuesday began informing some of the others that they were not chosen. Former Obama national security adviser Susan E. Rice, who was among the finalists, quickly put out a statement congratulating Harris. “Senator Harris is a tenacious and trailblazing leader who will make a great partner on the campaign trail,” Rice wrote. “I am confident that Biden-Harris will prove to be a winning ticket.” Rep. Val Demings (D-Fla.), who was also under serious consideration, reflected on the historic nature of the pick. “To see a Black woman nominated for the first time reaffirms my faith that in America, there is a place for every person to succeed no matter who they are or where they come from,” she said. Harris’ prosecutorial record has drawn attacks from party liberals, who have criticized her past stances as too harsh and contend that her record does not meet a moment when police misconduct has rocketed into the national conversation. But Harris also has built a reputation in Washington as a sharp questioner in Senate hearings, particularly of Trump administration nominees. She has been a forceful advocate for Black families during the novel coronavirus pandemic, and she helped draft a bill ending qualified immunity for police. Some of those who were skeptical of her during her campaign have softened their views in recent months. Harris kicked off her presidential campaign little more than two years after joining the Senate, with an electrifying Oakland, Calif., rally that drew more than 22,000 supporters. But she struggled to define herself to voters, shifting from one message to the next. She failed to take off in the polls and dropped out in early December, citing financial problems. Harris and Biden have known each other for several years, and as the former vice president noted in his announcement, Harris worked closely with Beau Biden when both served as attorneys general. That made it all the more shocking to Biden and his team when, at the first Democratic primary debate, Harris went after Biden for his nostalgic talk about working with two segregationist senators. “It was hurtful to hear you talk about the reputations of two United States senators who built their reputations and career on the segregation of race in this country,” Harris said during the debate. She also took Biden to task for his opposition to mandatory busing. On the debate stage, she described a little girl who had benefited from her city’s busing program. “And that little girl was me,” she said. Within hours, her campaign was selling shirts emblazoned with the words and a childhood picture of Harris. Biden’s wife, Jill, has described that moment as being “like a punch to the gut.” But since then, the two have publicly made up, with Harris acting as a surrogate for Biden and appearing with him and his wife in campaign events. In a June appearance on “The Late Show With Stephen Colbert,” Harris jokingly defended her performance, saying: “It was a debate! The whole reason — literally, it was a debate. It was called a debate.” “I’d be honored, if asked, and I’m honored to be a part of the conversation,” Harris told Colbert. “Honestly, let me just tell you something: I will do everything in my power, wherever I am, to help Joe Biden win.” In late July, Biden was photographed with notes he had written to himself about Harris on his personal stationery. Included were: “talented,” “great help to campaign” and “do not hold grudges.” President Trump, in the aftermath of Harris’s presidential candidacy announcement, was said to be impressed with the size of the crowd she attracted. But within 30 minutes of the announcement of her selection Tuesday, the president tweeted a 30-second ad created by his campaign that criticized Harris for some of her more liberal positions, including a willingness to embrace Medicare-for-all. (She later came under pressure from liberal Democrats for adopting a more moderate definition of the health-care plan.) “Voters rejected Harris. They smartly spotted a phony — but not Joe Biden, he’s not that smart,” the narrator on the ad says. “Biden calls himself a transition candidate. He is handing over the reins to Kamala while they jointly embrace the radical left. Slow Joe and Phony Kamala.” Biden said July 28 that he would name his running mate by the end of the first week of August, after extending his initial pledge to name the pick around Aug. 1. Aides then said it had slipped further. For weeks, advisers have been vetting the candidates in interviews and via extended searches into their backgrounds, records and personal experiences. He had promised months ago to pick a woman, reflecting the dominance of female voters in the party and his effort to make a historic choice. Were he to win, the nominee would become the first female vice president. The selection process has been a mix of transparency and secrecy. While Biden has held his thoughts closely, with many allies saying he has been deliberately vague about his preferences, the parade of prospective candidates has played out publicly. Several have broken with past practice and acknowledged an interest in the job; others, such as Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.), have taken themselves out of the mix in a similarly public way. Biden has sought the same kind of “simpatico” relationship with his pick that he shared with President Barack Obama, in which he served as the last adviser on big administration decisions. He also has put a high premium on loyalty, according to those familiar with the search. But his choice was also affected by events coursing across the nation. Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) once looked like a front-runner, but the killing of George Floyd and other unarmed Black people put a spotlight on her record as a prosecutor, which has drawn criticism from Black activists. Klobuchar eventually removed herself from the running, saying that Biden should pick a woman of color for the ticket. Biden also faced pressure to delay the pick until closer to the Democratic convention, which begins Aug. 17, to build a sense of momentum for an event that will largely be virtual, lacking the balloon-and-bunting atmosphere of the traditional convention celebrations. In normal times, the two running mates would barnstorm around the country after the announcement, trying to lift the enthusiasm level of their own partisans and potentially attract new supporters. But Biden has held no large events since March, and has none planned. Harris will formally be nominated at the national party convention. She is then scheduled to debate Vice President Pence on Oct. 7 in Utah. The presidential debates — three are currently scheduled — will begin in September, barring any adjustments to the schedule. Two of them have already changed locations after the original host colleges determined it was unsafe to sponsor the event. Election 2020: What to know Updated August 11, 2020 Presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden has chosen Sen. Kamala D. Harris (D-Calif.) as his running mate. Get live updates on his pick and the election. President Trump attempted to bypass Congress and make dramatic changes to tax and spending policy, though there were instant questions about whether his actions were as ironclad as he made them out to be. More Americans can vote by mail in November than before the pandemic; find out which states have changed rules. Barring a landslide, we may not have a result in the presidential election on Nov. 3. See what elections are coming up and which have moved. Sign up: Want to understand what’s happening in the campaign? Sign up for The Trailer and get insights and news from across the country in your inbox three days a week. 10.1k Comments Today’s Headlines The most important news stories of the day, curated by Post editors and delivered every morning. Enter your email address By signing up you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy Most ReadPolitics 1 Sen. Kamala D. Harris named as Joe Biden’s running mate 2 Kamala Harris grew up in a mostly white world. Then she went to a black university in a black city. 3 ‘I am who I am’: Kamala Harris, daughter of Indian and Jamaican immigrants, defines herself simply as ‘American’ 4 Analysis What you need to know about Kamala Harris 5 Analysis What Trump has said about Kamala Harris Ad Choices washingtonpost.com © 1996-2020 The Washington Post

بفعل فاعل.. خبير عسكري يفجر مفاجأة حول حادث مرفأ بيروت

ΠΑΡΕΜΒΑΣΗ ΤΟΥ Θ. ΧΙΩΝΗ ΣΤΟΝ ΑΝΤ1

ماذا يقول أبو المراديس في عيد ميلاد السيدة فيروز؟ | حديث أبو المراديس |ع...

ΤΟ ΤΕΛΕΥΤΑΙΟ «ΑΝΤΙΟ» ΣΤΗΝ ΒΕΡΑ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΪΔΟΥ

خلافات عائلة الرحباني تكشف سر عمره 40 عامًا عن فيروز

Clara Zetkin Fourth Congress of the Communist International Report on Communist Work among Women November 27, 1922 Source: Published in Toward the United Front: Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922 (https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/472-toward-the-united-front), pp. 837-852 Translation: Translation by John Riddell HTML Markup: David Walters for the Marxists Internet Archive, 2018 Copyright: John Riddell, 2017. Republished here with permission. Comrades, sisters and brothers: The report on the activity of the Executive’s International Women’s Secretariat and the development of Communist work among women requires that I preface my remarks with a few brief comments. They might in themselves seem superfluous, for they merely repeat what is firmly established and decided. Nonetheless they are necessary, because we face the fact that misunderstandings regarding our work still prevail in the ranks not only of our opponents but of our own comrades, both men and women. These misunderstandings concern the nature of Communist work among women and the related tasks that fall to bodies of the national sections and the International. These misunderstandings represent, in some cases, the obvious continuing effect of relics of an older, earlier outlook. But in many other cases they have been freely encouraged by those who in the final analysis are not sympathetic to the cause itself, and indeed in part reject it quite decidedly. The International Women’s Secretariat for Communist work among women is not, as some imagine, a combination of independent women’s organisations and movements. It is rather an auxiliary body of the Comintern Executive. It carries out its work not only in constant contact with the Executive but under its immediate direction and leadership. What we conventionally term the Communist Women’s Movement is not at all an independent movement of women and has nothing in common with any women’s rights currents. It signifies methodical Communist work among women for a double goal. First, with respect to women who already embrace the idea of communism, to integrate them ideologically and organisationally into the different national sections of the Communist International and to make them into active and conscious collaborators in and contributors to the entire life and work of these sections. In addition, with regard to women not yet imbued with Communist ideas, it involves winning them and drawing them into all the actions and struggles of the proletariat. Masses of women producers must be mobilised and made effective in such struggles.[28] There is no work, no struggle of the Communist parties in any country where we as women do not feel that our first and noblest duty is to share in labour and combat. What is more, we have the ambition to stand in the first ranks and to withstand the harshest hail of bullets in the labour and struggles of the Communist parties and the International that unites them, and moreover also to lead with enthusiasm in the most modest daily work. One thing has been clearly established. However much Communist work among women must be firmly linked ideologically and organically to the life of each party, we nonetheless need special bodies to carry out this work. Of course Communist work among women must be not women’s business, but the business of the totality, of the Communist party of each country, of the Communist International. But if we wish to achieve this goal, it is necessary that party committees be available everywhere to carry out and lead Communist work among women in a unified and methodical manner and maintain the focus on this goal – whether these bodies are called women’s secretariats, women’s divisions, or whatever. Certainly we do not deny the possibility that under particularly favourable conditions a single strong personality, whether a male or female comrade, may be able to carry out such Communist work among women in a locality or an entire district. But however much we look with admiration on such individual achievements within the party, we must also always be aware that if instead of the methodical work of an individual we have the methodical collaboration of several, it is beyond question that the outcome, the effectiveness for communism, will be much greater. For that reason our method for Communist work among women must be the collaboration of many for a common goal inside the party and the International. In this process, it has emerged as a requirement for expediency and for a practical division of labour inside the party that women should be called on first and most often for activity in the special committees for Communist work among women. The reasons for this are surely evident. There is no getting around the historical fact that the broad masses of women today still live and work under special social conditions. We cannot escape the historical fact that the special position of the female sex in society has also created a special female psychology. What nature has bequeathed as sex merges with what history has created in terms of social institutions and conditions. Just as we must reckon with the specific psychology of the masses of poor peasants, based on their specific living conditions, so we must also reckon with the special psychology of the broad masses of women. It follows from this that in general – and I underline the phrase ‘in general’ – women themselves are the quickest, most astute, and most effective in recognising the key issues in the life of working women, where they begin their Communist work. In addition, women are also generally better at discovering the most promising methods and forms of Communist activity among the layers of women that are deeply oppressed and are striving upwards. Of course that is true only on a general level. As Communists we consider it our duty and our right to take part in every party activity, from the most inconspicuous work, like distributing leaflets, to immense and decisive battles, and we consider it an insult if anyone regards us as inferior in taking part in the entire broad, historical life of our party and the Communist International. In the same way, every man is welcome to take part in the special Communist work carried out among women. That applies to our committees as well as to our entire activity in its various expressions and arenas. Comrades, brothers and sisters: During the past year the importance of women’s committees for Communist work among women has been demonstrated both positively and negatively. The experience has been positive in countries where the Communist sections of the International have created these special bodies. This is the case in Bulgaria and Germany, where women’s secretariats work to carry out the task of organising and educating Communist women, and of mobilising women producers and leading them in social struggles. Here the Communist women’s movement has become a force and a strength of Communist party activity as a whole. There is no doubt that in these countries we have many women who belong to the party and are active in it, and growing masses of women outside the party who are our comrades in struggle. The same is true in the country that I am naming last but which stands first in importance, Soviet Russia. Here the women’s committees of the Communist Party, in constant collaboration with the party and under its leadership, have shown how important and indispensable the collaboration of women is, particularly at this moment, a difficult time when economy and society are being transformed under Soviet power to communism. What our Russian women comrades have accomplished and are accomplishing through the women’s committees, with the help and in accord with the party and under its leadership, is extremely important. The masses of working women and peasant women are being drawn into all arenas of the economy and of social life. They are being drawn into collaboration in building new relationships and in overcoming the difficult challenges that arise, for example, with respect to unemployment or food shortages – problems that are bound up with social transformation under the given historical conditions. They are being drawn into collaboration in reorganising society in a Communist direction. In my opinion, what the women’s committees of the Communist Party of Soviet Russia have achieved and are achieving in work among women sets an example and indicates the direction we must take. One thing we know. Soviet Russia is the first model we have before us as the agency of this colossal social transformation. The very challenges and tasks that arise there for the Communist Party and the proletariat will someday – and we hope it is quite soon – be the challenges and tasks, under other circumstances, of the Communist parties and the proletariat in countries that today still suffer from capitalist class rule. That is why there is exceptional importance in what Comrade Smidovich will soon tell us of the work of the women’s committees of the Communist Party of Russia. Comrades, brothers and sisters: I will now speak of the negative examples that show how necessary it is for Communist parties to have special bodies for work among women. These examples are found in the meagre participation of women in Communist party life and of the female proletariat in the struggles of their class in countries where women’s secretariats do not exist or have been dissolved. In Poland the party has so far refused to create special bodies for work among women. The Communist Party there considered it enough that the most effective women fight in the rank and file and that women be present as participants in mass movements and strikes. But the conviction is growing that this approach is inadequate to enable the Communist movement to reach the depths of the female proletariat. We hope that a women’s secretariat will be created in Poland very soon, as the starting point for methodical work among the broadest layers of working women. Then women producers will play an entirely new and different role in the Communist Party of Poland, driving it forward in this country whose past is filled with such glorious struggles. The most recent parliamentary elections showed that the right wing and its deception of the masses had the greatest success among the masses of women who are not enlightened and have not embraced Communist ideas. That must not be repeated. In Britain, party bodies for the necessary and systematic activity among the female proletariat are almost completely absent. Making reference to the weakness of its material resources, the Communist Party of Britain during the past year has again and again abstained from or postponed establishing the structures required for systematic work among proletarian women. The stimulus and the warnings of the International Women’s Secretariat in this regard have been in vain. No genuine women’s secretariat was established, although one woman comrade was named as an overall party agitator. Women comrades in Britain, acting on their own accord, have used their very modest means to hold events for the political education of Communist women and to link them strongly to the party. These events have achieved such good results that they should provide a model for the Communist Party in holding similar educational events. The conduct of the British Communist Party executive is explained in my opinion not merely by its financial weakness but in part also from its youth and the resulting organisational weaknesses. I will not enter into a criticism of the party here, all the more since its most recent congress showed that it is firmly on the road, in firm unity with the Communist International, to advance both organisationally and politically, working and fighting to evolve into a revolutionary mass party. We have evidence of the Communist Party’s firm will and practical success in the form of its victories in the recent elections in Britain.[29] But this victory, and the political activity and reorganisation now decided on by the Communist Party of Britain, is bringing it out of cramped little meeting rooms of a small party oriented mainly to propaganda and into the masses of the working class. This requires the party to take up the struggle for the soul of proletariat women. The British section of the International cannot ignore the fact that many millions of proletarian women there are organised in associations for women’s rights, in old-style women’s trade unions, in consumer and other cooperatives, and in the Labour Party and the Independent Labour Party. The task of the Communist Party is to struggle with all these organisations for the mind, heart, will, and deed of proletarian women. For this reason the party will feel a need – growing over time – to create special working bodies through which it can organise Communist women, educate them, and win proletarian women outside its ranks as dedicated women fighters of their class. The International Women’s Secretariat, as a delegated auxiliary body of the Executive, will, of course, help the party in this task. Special mention must be made of the dubious circumstances in France. The Marseilles congress [December 1921] took a great step forward in creating a revolutionary and proletarian women’s movement. For the first time the revolutionary forces arising there in the world of women were drawn together organisationally, and this occurred in the Communist Party. The congress decided, as did the first conference of communist women, also held in Marseilles, to incorporate women of Communist views into the party and create working bodies of the Communist women’s movement: a women’s secretariat linked to the party leadership and a women’s publication. Comrades, sisters and brothers: Unfortunately, the Paris congress [October 1922] destroyed the beginnings that had been made. We hope this is only temporary. Because of the party’s internal crisis and its effects, the party leadership decided to disband the women’s secretariat and cease publication of l'Ouvrière [Woman Worker], the women’s newspaper. We are convinced that as the crisis in the French party is overcome, so too we will see a satisfactory resolution of the challenge of creating the special bodies needed by a vigorous and determined Communist Party to win the broadest layers of proletarian women to share in the work and struggle of our International. In Italy during the past year, and without any great difficulty, women were incorporated into the party, and the special bodies were created that are needed to lead broad and deep layers in the world of women – those without property and the exploited – into the influence of Communist thinking and the struggles of the proletariat. Comrade Hertha Sturm will give you some specific information regarding what I have described in general terms, namely the present state of the necessary working bodies that we must have nationally and internationally in order to enable the Communist women, the proletarian women, to become the driving forces of the class struggle and the revolutionary upsurge of the exploited and oppressed masses. Organisationally, we succeeded in the Netherlands, with the help of the international women’s secretariat, in dissolving the separate women’s organisation that existed there. In addition to Communist women, it included anarchist and near-anarchist forces. The Communist members have joined the Communist Party of the Netherlands, and they are active in collaboration with the male comrades. In general our experience confirms that the integration of Communist women into the party, their systematic party work, and their activity among the masses, has been successful and fruitful. In Norway the recruitment of Communist women into the party has not been carried through so completely as is indicated in the principles and guidelines of the Communist International. This results from the general character of party activity in Norway. The separate organisation of women is related to the organisational structure of the Norwegian Communist Labour Party, which even today calls itself Social Democratic. It is based organisationally not on individual membership, but on membership in the trade unions. We anticipate that with the reorganisation of the party, the separate organisation of women will also come to an end, and forms of work will be found that permit us to spur on all women who are now striving to advance Communist ideas to greater activity and greater collaboration. Much of this applies also to the Communist International’s section in Sweden, although there is no crisis in the party and the organisational structure is different. Here too there are still separate organisations of Communist women. By the way, in Norway as in Sweden these separate organisations are survivals from the past of the movement for women’s rights, which was strong and to some degree had ongoing effects on the Social Democratic movement. These organisations will disappear as the other ideological survivals of the Social Democratic past are overcome and strictly Communist views prevail. What, then, is the extent to which our Communist work has achieved influence among deep and extensive layers of exploited women? Has this work expanded to a notable scope? I will begin my report on this point with a fact of extremely wide-reaching historical significance. In the Near and Far East the wives of the heavily burdened toilers are beginning to awaken and gather around the Communist banner. Comrades, brothers and sisters: We cannot overestimate the importance of this fact. What is the situation? The task there is to awaken and win masses of women weighed down by prejudices that are centuries and even thousands of years old. A long and deep-going capitalist development, which creates nothing new without destroying the old or bringing it to the point of death, has not yet fully destroyed these prejudices. It is true that capitalism has made its entry there and subjected the masses of women, above all, to its exploitation and subjugation. That is what we see in Japan, India, Transcaucasia [Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia], and also in China. Nonetheless, it has not destroyed the old social enslavement of women, but rather harnessed it to its purposes. In the countries of the East, women live and work overwhelmingly under patriarchal and pre-capitalist forms of social life, bending under prejudices grey with age, oppressed by social institutions, by religion, customs, and habits. And yet despite all this, the women begin to awaken, begin to adopt a Communist mode of thinking, to revolt and to speak of liberation. What does this tell us? That capitalism and its world are losing their last reserves, the countries with a pre-capitalist civilisation or incomplete recent capitalist development, which are subjugated to the rule of immense capitalist states or are being stalked by capitalism’s greed for exploitation as future colonial possessions. These territories, with their rich and still poorly exploited potential, gave the bourgeoisie the resources – through despicable and inhuman plunder of the popular masses there – to throw rebellious workers in the old capitalist countries – wage slaves in mutiny – beggar’s crusts of bread in the form of minor concessions and reforms. The impulse for freedom and the hate of capitalism and its rule is alive in these countries, and the women, the most oppressed of the oppressed, are rising up, striving to work and struggle under the Communist banner. All this is testimony to the fact that capitalism is approaching its end with giant strides. What Comrade Kasparova will tell us about the activity of the Executive’s International Women’s Secretariat in the East is thus particularly significant. In growing numbers and with devoted determination, the women of these countries are beginning to gather around the banner of communism – the only saviour from exploitation and subjugation. In many countries, especially in Romanic countries, we are assured that no significant work can be done among women. The influence of the Church’s outlook and of the traditions handed down in the family and society are too strong, too overpowering. In vain do we strive to bring the masses of women out of the grip of domesticity and lead them as fellow fighters onto the field of historical struggle between capital and labour. Comrades, sisters and brothers: What is possible in the East is a signal to us in the West that we must not pass by this historical milieu thoughtlessly, but must devote our attention to it. These gains are also a sharp reminder of what can be achieved by the human will. Reference to the materialist conception of history is not always appropriate, when it is used to excuse weaknesses and deficiencies. The historical framework is mighty indeed, but not almighty. Our understanding and our will can master it and change it. If we did not have this conviction, we would not be Marxists and revolutionary fighters. What did Marx write in his debate with Feuerbach, which was the starting point for his conception of history? ‘The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it’.[30] In the Soviet republics of the Caucasus and, following their example, in Iran and Turkey, women are announcing that they are resolved on winning their freedom as Communists.[31] Given this fact, I believe it is inappropriate to say that the difficulties of Communist work among women in the Romanic countries are virtually insuperable. No, when there is a will, there is a way. We have the will to world revolution, and we must therefore find the path to the broadest masses of exploited and enslaved women, regardless of the historical conditions that may obstruct this task. During the period covered by this report, there has been great progress in reaching broad masses of women through agitation and propaganda and above all through the deed – through work and struggle. This is true both in the countries under capitalist rule and in the proletarian state of Soviet Russia and the other Soviet republics. Wherever the proletariat has set about the struggle to resist the general offensive of the employers, wherever the masses have taken up the struggle against inflation, against the burden of taxes, against the lengthening of the working day, in a word against the worsening of proletarian living conditions; wherever the proletariat is standing up to the offensive of capitalism that aims to make the broad masses of exploited carry the costs of the war and reconstruction, women have taken part in these struggles to a gratifying extent and with vigour and energy. Everywhere we see a growth in the masses of women who are helping to sustain the campaigns of the Communist International and its individual sections. Wherever they have been were summoned in the name of the Communist International, they have responded. That has been particularly evident in two international campaigns. One of these is International Women’s Day. It took place this year to a much greater extent, with more unity, and including much broader masses of proletarian women than had been the case in the previous two years. And this celebration highlighted the fact that it is not a separate women’s event, not a women’s issue, but an issue for the party, a party campaign, a declaration of war by communism against capitalism, a beginning of the struggle for which an army of millions of exploited and oppressed must be gathered, armed, and made ready. Almost everywhere – more in some areas and less in others – it was carried out as a campaign of the Communist Party as a whole. The same holds true from the other international campaign in which we were involved: the International Workers’ Aid for Soviet Russia.[32] This was carried out in every country with outstanding initiative and involvement of women. From Norway and Finland down to Switzerland and Italy, from the west to the east, it was the women, acting in accord with their Communist party, who were the most vigorous propagandists, canvassers, and organisers of the International Workers’ Aid. In this process, they demonstrated a consciousness of proletarian solidarity in a truly generous, skilled, and forceful manner. One thing must be emphasised with regard to both International Women’s Day and the International Workers’ Aid for Soviet Russia. In both campaigns the specific purpose provided a starting point for political activity and political goals. For International Women’s Day we linked up with special demands that women of the working people advance as housewives and mothers to combat painful social afflictions. In the aid for Soviet Russia we linked up with proletarian solidarity. And in both of these cases we also pursued the goal of awakening broad masses of women to political thought and political activity. Both the demands of women for the protection of mothers and children and also the practice of solidarity with Soviet Russia were heightened into political action, political struggle. That is precisely the goal of Communist work among women. The economic and social afflictions of women and their demands for a culturally satisfying life are utilised as the starting points toward the most advanced activity possible, in conducting the most intense struggle possible against bourgeois society. Communist women in each country, in accord with and under the leadership of their party, have, of course, utilised every opportunity and occasion to arouse the proletarian masses of women, to win them, and to lead them into struggle against the capitalist order. So, for example, in Germany the struggle against the so-called abortion paragraph provided the starting point for a very extensive and successful campaign against 33bourgeois class rule and class justice and against the bourgeois state.[33] This campaign won for us the sympathy and support of broad circles of women. Yet the question was approached not as a women’s issue but as a political issue, a cause of the proletariat. All our campaigns and actions have been carried out under the banner of the proletarian united front and of the slogan provided to us by the Third Congress of the Communist International: ‘To the masses’. Because we are inspired by the correctness and necessity of the proletarian united front, we recognise the full importance of developing heightened and more intensive work in the specific fields of the trade unions and the cooperative movement. In order to carry out such effective and systematic work in these two arenas, it is decisive that we be capable of involving the broadest layers of women and making them effective in struggle. For working women, this can be done through the trade unions; for women who are not employed, for housewives, proletarian and petty-bourgeois women, through the cooperative movement. Conditions are particularly favourable to bring together around the banner of communism larger numbers of non-proletarian women, both employed and housewives, for the struggle against capitalism. The decay of capitalism has generated a small number of newly rich and an enormous mass of newly poor – not only in Germany but also in Britain and other bourgeois states. The middle class is proletarianised, or at least is headed more or less quickly in that direction. As a result, the distress of life strikes with dreadful cruelty at the purse and the heart of many women who until now had enjoyed somewhat secure and pleasant chances for existence under capitalist rule. Thus female employees, especially intellectuals such as teachers and office workers of various types, are growing rebellious against this, the ‘best of all possible worlds’. Under the pressure of inflation, of the glaring discrepancy between income and the cost of living, more and more housewives, including bourgeois housewives, are awakening to a recognition that present conditions – the continued existence of capitalism – are incompatible with their most basic interests in life. Comrades, brothers and sisters: We have to utilise the ferment, the motion, that is visible in these layers of women, arousing tired hopelessness into bright sparks of rebellion that will ultimately take fire in revolutionary understanding, will, and action. Our Communist work among women in the trade unions and cooperatives can make a very great contribution to these goals. In both fields women can not only be important contributors to the united front – no, they can do more, as pioneers of the united front in many movements. I have referred to how pitilessly the attacks of life’s sorrows are affecting the conditions of millions of women, so that they begin to awaken. Until now we have felt with distress the political backwardness and dullness of women in their masses. But under the pressure of enormous suffering, these characteristics can promote our cause and ease the path of awakening women into the Communist camp. The soul of women is not as politically and socially defined as that of men. It is less adorned with the false and deceptive slogans of the Social Democratic reformists, the bourgeois reformers, and the like. It is very often an unwritten page. It will therefore be relatively easier for us to pull the previously indifferent masses of women directly into our struggle, without passing through women’s rights, pacifist, or other reformist organisations. This will not immediately be in a struggle for the final goal of proletarian revolution – I would like to warn against that illusion – but will rather be in our defensive struggle, striking back against the bourgeoisie’s general offensive. They will surely take part in this, in large numbers and with great energy. I believe that our comrades in Bulgaria, to whom we are grateful for all their stimulus and their effective work inside the Communist International, have shown us a path we can follow: during our defensive struggles we can establish organisational bastions among these masses of women for subsequent struggles with a more advanced content and more ambitious goals – in short, we can prepare for decisive struggles. Our Bulgarian women comrades have founded associations of women sympathisers. These groups do not merely supply preliminary schooling before entry into the Communist Party, but are also solid organisational strongholds that draw masses of women into all the party’s activity and campaigns. Our women comrades in Italy have set out to follow this example. They have founded groups for ‘sympathising women’, which include women who still have misgivings about joining a political party or attending political meetings. I am convinced that this initiative will bear fruit. The example provided here deserves to be studied and applied by those who deal with Communist work among women in every country. This will not only result in a strengthening of the Communist sections of our International, but will have two other good effects: the extension of Communist influence among the broad proletarian and non-proletarian layers of the population, and also ferment, discord, and division in the ranks of the bourgeoisie, that is, a weakening of our deadly enemy. Every weakening of the bourgeoisie signifies a strengthening of the proletarian forces in struggle to bring down capitalism and overthrow bourgeois class rule. Comrades, brothers and sisters: I will not go into the details here of how we conceive of Communist work to win women through the trade union and cooperative movements. This will be done by Comrade Hertha Sturm, who is speaking after me. I will say only that we must take care in our work not to awaken deceptive illusions. Rather we should destroy all illusions that the trade union and cooperative movements could, within the capitalist order, destroy the laws and preconditions for the existence of capitalism for the greater good of the proletariat. No, however useful and essential the achievements of trade unions and cooperatives may be, they are not capable of undermining and overthrowing capitalism. They achieve full effectiveness only after the conquest of political power by the proletariat, after the establishment of its dictatorship. Then the trade unions and cooperatives will become not only a means of destroying the survivals of capitalism but also agencies to build the new and higher life of a Communist society. In view of the decisive importance of proletarian dictatorship for the nature and activity of trade unions and cooperatives, we must again stress how this makes Communist work among women in the Soviet republics different from that in countries that are still ruled by capitalism. In countries under capitalist class rule, both organisations come to the fore as instruments for defence and struggle of the broadest masses. The trade unions do this for the masses as producers; the cooperative movement does so in the struggle against capital in commerce, lending, and the black market. In the Soviet countries, by contrast, the tasks of both types of organisations in education and construction are predominant. Comrades, sisters and brothers: I must point out that our work in the past year has indicated the special importance of work to bring women under the influence of the Communist International and to win them as its supporters. Communist women and women sympathetic to them play this important role wherever illegality is our only form of activity and struggle, as well as where underground organisations must function beside the legal associations working above ground. In Finland, Poland, and other such countries, the collaboration of determined and devoted Communist women has proven to be extremely useful, indeed, I must say it is indispensable. It is now possible that the advance in many countries of blackest reaction, of fascism, will confront us with the need to struggle illegally, to respond to force with force, to answer the bourgeoisie’s break with the rule of law with our own disregard and disdain for bourgeois legality. In such conditions the male comrades will not make headway unless they have the women at their side. Proletarian women in Turin showed that where fascism grows strong, we can count on the support of women willing to make sacrifices. In the most recent large proletarian demonstration against fascism in Turin, armed proletarian women marched under a red banner with the inscription, ‘Rosa Luxemburg’. This fact must have given pause to the bourgeoisie; it certainly raised the spirits and the readiness for struggle among the worker ranks. Comrades, sisters and brothers: In order for our Communist work among women to fulfill all the tasks that I have indicated here only briefly, in general outline, one thing is necessary. We and you must all pose ourselves the question: Are the Communist women in the International’s sections sufficiently rich in knowledge, will, and efficiency, to carry out their duty to the fullest extent? And we must not lose sight of the fact that both Communist women and also Communist men – for on average we are no worse and no more stupid than you – are often lacking in the necessary fundamental theoretical and practical education. The immaturity and weakness of women in the political movement is only a reflection of the immaturity and weakness of the Communists as a whole. It is caused above all by the newness of our sections. Serious work will overcome this weakness, one that we must take into account along with the many advantages of our movement’s youthfulness. It is extremely important, brothers and sisters, that we quickly overcome immaturity and weakness among those who are to carry out Communist work among the female proletariat. I therefore give you all an urgent warning: Take care that the women in your ranks are assigned to the party’s practical tasks in what I would like to call an individual fashion, bringing them in and assigning them personally. Take care that all possibilities for education and that all existing institutions for the theoretical and practical education of the membership are open to them. Take care that where a common rounded education is not possible, the necessary educational vehicles for women are created in the form of courses, lectures, and appropriate publications and literature for women. Comrades, part of your own educational work is to assure the thorough and practical education of women as Communist colleagues in struggle. This is beyond any doubt an important and essential precondition for your success. Especially now I consider it particularly necessary to be concerned with the clearest, deepest, and most fundamental education of women. In this transitional period, the ship of communism will sail out over the broad ocean of decisive revolutionary struggles by the masses in all their strength for the conquest of political power and the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat. Two dangers threaten us. On the left, the ship is in danger of breaking up on the reefs and cliffs of an adventurist and romantic putschist policy, while on the right lies the danger that the ship will run aground on reformist sandbanks and get stuck in the stinking and decaying waters of opportunism. There is only one thing that can overcome the dangers from both right and left. That is the greatest, heightened activity of the will, a will that becomes reality, that is guided by clear insight into the historical situation, the nature of the present world crisis and the conditions for overcoming it – namely the conditions of revolutionary struggle. Danton in his day called out to the vanguard fighters of the French revolution, ‘Audacity, audacity, and again audacity!'[34] Yes, comrades, sisters and brothers, we want to say that every day to women who wish to struggle for communism. Heretofore they have been to some extent a passive force, and everything is pressing them to become decidedly active. Therefore: Audacity, audacity, and again audacity! But we must add to these words others, called out again and again by Comrade Lenin: Clarity, clarity, and again clarity! Wisdom, wisdom, and again wisdom! Not as an expression of fear or of vacillation. No, rather as a precondition for carrying out the deadly blow against capitalism with a sure touch. Comrades, sisters and brothers: We must take this to heart. Everything that you have heard so far at this congress has showed us how rightly the Communist International evaluated the world situation at its previous congress. All the signs of the times tell us that society is objectively ripe, indeed overripe for capitalism to be swept away and overthrown. In the past it has not been shown to be ripe in the historical sense of the proletariat’s will, the will of the class that is called on to be the gravedigger of the capitalist order. But, sisters and brothers, this historical situation is like a landscape in the Alps, where great masses of snow lie stored on high peaks, which have defied all storms for centuries and seem ready to defy the influence of sun, rain, and tempests for several hundreds of years to come. Yet despite all appearances they are hollowed out, worn down, and ‘ripe’ to come cascading down. It may be enough for a little bird to move its pinions and touch these snows with the tip of its wings, to bring the avalanche into motion and bury the valleys down below. In the present situation we do not know how far we are as men and women from world revolution. That is why every hour and every minute must be utilised in work to make us ready for the world revolution and ready to carry it out. World revolution means a worldwide act of destruction of capitalism, but it means also a worldwide act of creation, the creation of communism. Let us be imbued with the meaning of this word! Let us be ready, and let us make the proletarian masses ready, to be world creators of communism. (Loud applause) Notes 28. Here and elsewhere, ‘producers’ translates the German word Schaffende, which means both ‘producers’ and ‘creators’. The term is often used by Zetkin, who defined it in a 1923 speech as referring to ‘all those whose labour, be it with hand or brain, increases the material and cultural heritage of humankind, without exploiting the labour of others’ – a definition that encompasses women working in the home. See Puschnerat, Clara Zetkin: Bürgerlichkeit und Marxismus (Essen:Klartext Verlag, 2003), p. 346.. 29. In the 25 November British elections, Newbold won Motherwell riding with 33% of the vote; Labour did not contest the riding. Another Communist, Shapurji Saklatvala, won Battersea North as an official Labour candidate. Four other CP members and one CP sympathiser contested the election, two of them as official Labour candidates and two running with local but not national Labour support. 30. See ‘Theses on Feuerbach’, in Marx and Engels Collected Works, vol. 5, p. 8. 31. The Soviet republics of the Caucasus included the independent Soviet republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia (in Transcaucasia), and also, in the North Caucasus, the Daghestan, Mountaineers’, and other autonomous republics within the Russian Soviet federation. In December 1922, the three Transcaucasian republics merged into a federal state, which then joined as a constitutive unit of the Soviet Union. 32. See report on International Workers Aid, Toward the United Front, pp. 1069-71. 33. Communists in Germany campaigned against paragraphs 218 and 219 of the criminal code, which illegalised abortion and punished women who underwent abortion. The Communist Women’s Movement considered abortion as a symptom of social evils related to women’s poverty and subjugation. But the movement held that the anti-abortion laws brutally punished innocent women, including through the dreadful toll of illegal abortions. They demanded women’s protection by abolition of all anti-abortion laws. The Communist campaign is analysed by Ketty Guttmann in ‘Zum internationalen Kampf gegen die Bestrafung der Abtreibung’, Die Kommunistische Fraueninternationale, 3, 5 (1923), pp. 959 – 68. See also Grossman, ‘German Communism and the New Women’ in Women and Socialism, Socialism and Women, 1998. 34. Georges Danton spoke the words, ‘Il nous faut de l'audace, encore de l'audace, toujours de l'audace!’ (We must dare, dare again, and always dare) to the French National Assembly on 2 September 1792. Back to the Clara Zetkin Archive Home Page Fourth Congress Main Page

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Karl Marx A Brief Biographical Sketch With an Exposition of Marxism Socialism From the foregoing, it is evident that Marx deduces the inevitability of the transformation of capitalist society into socialist society and wholly and exclusively from the economic law of the development of contemporary society. The socialization of labor, which is advancing ever more rapidly in thousands of forms and has manifested itself very strikingly, during the half-century since the death of Marx, in the growth of large-scale production, capitalist cartels, syndicates and trusts, as well as in the gigantic increase in the dimensions and power of finance capital, provides the principal material foundation for the inevitable advent of socialism. The intellectual and moral motive force and the physical executor of this transformation is the proletariat, which has been trained by capitalism itself. The proletariat’s struggle against the bourgeoisie, which finds expression in a variety of forms ever richer in content, inevitably becomes a political struggle directed towards the conquest of political power by the proletariat (“the dictatorship of the proletariat”). The socialization of production cannot but lead to the means of production becoming the property of society, to the “expropriation of the expropriators.” A tremendous rise in labor productivity, a shorter working day, and the replacement of the remnants, the ruins, of small-scale, primitive and disunited production by collective and improved labor—such are the direct consequences of this transformation. Capitalism breaks for all time the ties between agriculture and industry, but at the same time, through its highest developed, it prepares new elements of those ties, a union between industry and agriculture based on the conscious application of science and the concentration of collective labor, and on a redistribution of the human population (thus putting an end both to rural backwardness, isolation and barbarism, and to the unnatural concentration of vast masses of people in big cities). A new form of family, new conditions in the status of women and in the upbringing of the younger generation are prepared by the highest forms of present-day capitalism: the labor of women and children and the break-up of the patriarchal family by capitalism inevitably assume the most terrible, disastrous, and repulsive forms in modern society. Nevertheless, “modern industry, by assigning as it does, an important part in the socially organized process of production, outside the domestic sphere, to women, to young persons, and to children of both sexes, creates a new economic foundation for a higher form of the family and of the relations between the sexes. It is, of course, just as absurd to hold the Teutonic-Christian form of the family to be absolute and final as it would be to apply that character to the ancient Roman, the ancient Greek, or the Eastern forms which, moreover, taken together form a series in historic development. Moreover, it is obvious that the fact of the collective working group being composed of individuals of both sexes and all ages, must necessarily, under suitable conditions, become a source of human development; although in its spontaneously developed, brutal, capitalistic form, where the laborer exists for the process of production, and not the process of production for the laborer, that fact is a pestiferous source of corruption and slavery.” (Capital, Vol. I, end of Chapter 13) The factory system contains “the germ of the education of the future, an education that will, in the ease of every child over a given age, combine productive labor with instruction and gymnastics, not only as one of the methods of adding to the efficiency of social production, but as the only method of producing fully developed human beings.” [ibid.] Marx’s socialism places the problems of nationality and of the state on the same historical footing, not only in the sense of explaining the past but also in the sense of a bold forecast of the future and of bold practical action for its achievement. Nations are an inevitable product, an inevitable form, in the bourgeois epoch of social development. The working class could not grow strong, become mature and take shape without “constituting itself within the nation,” without being “national” (“though not in the bourgeois sense of the word”). The development of capitalism, however, breaks down national barriers more and more, does away with national seclusion, and substitutes class antagonisms for national antagonism. It is, therefore, perfectly true of the developed capitalist countries that “the workingmen have no country” and that “united action” by the workers, of the civilized countries at least, “is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat” [Communist Manifesto]. That state, which is organized coercion, inevitably came into being at a definite stage in the development of society, when the latter had split into irreconcilable classes, and could not exist without an “authority” ostensibly standing above society, and to a certain degree separate from society. Arising out of class contradictions, the state becomes “...the state of the most powerful, economically dominant class, which, through the medium of the state, becomes also the politically dominant class, and thus acquires new means of holding down and exploiting the oppressed class. Thus, the state of antiquity was above all the state of the slave-owners for the purpose of holding down the slaves, as the feudal state was the organ of the nobility for holding down the peasant serfs and bondsmen, and the modern representative state is an instrument of exploitation of wage labor by capital.” (Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, a work in which the writer expounds his own views and Marx’s.) Even the democratic republic, the freest and most progressive form of the bourgeois state, does not eliminate this fact in any way, but merely modifies its form (the links between government and the stock exchange, the corruption—direct and indirect—of officialdom and the press, etc.). By leading to the abolition of classes, socialism will thereby lead to the abolition of the state as well. “The first act,” Engels writes in Anti-Dühring “by virtue of which the state really constitutes itself the representative of society as a whole—the taking possession of the means of production in the name of society—is, at the same time, its last independent act as a state. The state interference in social relations becomes superfluous in one sphere after another, and then ceases of itself. The government of persons is replaced by the administration of things and by the direction of the processes of production. The state is not ‘abolished,’ it withers away” [Anti-Dühring]. “The society that will organize production on the basis of a free and equal association of the producers will put the whole machinery of state where it will then belong: into the Museum of Antiquities, by the side of the spinning wheel and the bronze axe.” [Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State]. Finally, as regards the attitude of Marx’s socialism towards the small peasantry, which will continue to exist in the period of the expropriation of the expropriators, we must refer to a declaration made by Engels, which expresses Marx’s views: “...when we are in possession of state power we shall not even think of forcibly expropriating the small peasants (regardless of whether with or without compensation), as we shall have to do in the case of the big landowners. Our task relative to the small peasant consists, in the first place, in effecting a transition of his private enterprise and private possession to co-operative ones, not forcibly but by dint of example and the proffer of social assistance for this purpose. And then of course we shall have ample means of showing to the small peasant prospective advantages that must be obvious to him even today.” [Engels, The Peasant Question in France and Germany, [1] published by Alexeyeva; there are errors in the Russian translation. Original in Die Neue Zeit]. Notes [1] See Marx and Engels, Selected Works, Moscow, 1958, Vol. II, p. 433. —Ed. Works Index | Volume 21 | Collected Works | L.I.A. Index < backward forward >

Communist News: Fayrouz Beiteddine 2000 Ahou Da by Reema Rahbany

Communist News: Fayrouz Beiteddine 2000 Ahou Da by Reema Rahbany: Fayrouz Beiteddine 2000 Ahou Da by Reema Rahbany

Fayrouz Beiteddine 2000 Ahou Da by Reema Rahbany

Fayrouz Beiteddine 2000 Ahou Da by Reema Rahbany

No to the Cold War Live Stream

No to the Cold War Live Stream

No to the New Cold War on China - Martin Jacques

29ο ΑΝΤΙΙΜΠΕΡΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΔΙΗΜΕΡΟ ΤΗΣ ΚΝΕ - ΚΙΝΗΤΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΣΤΗΝ 110 ΠΤΕΡΥΓΑ Μ...

ΠΑΡΕΜΒΑΣΗ ΤΟΥ Ν. ΚΑΡΑΘΑΝΑΣΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ΣΤΟ ΚΑΝΑΛΙ ΤΗΣ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ

Τουρκία | Αντιδράσεις για τη στρατηγική έντασης | 19/07/2020 | ΕΡΤ

29ο ΑΝΤΙΙΜΠΕΡΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΔΙΗΜΕΡΟ ΤΗΣ ΚΝΕ - ΠΛΑΝΑ ΑΠΟ DRONE

In Defense of Communism: The remorse of a dissident: Alexander Zinoviev on ...

In Defense of Communism: The remorse of a dissident: Alexander Zinoviev on ...: SPECIAL TO  IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM . Alexander Zinoviev (1922-2006) was a Russian philosopher, sociologist, mathematician and wr...

ΟΜΙΛΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΓΡ. ΛΙΟΝΗ ΣΕ ΕΚΔΗΛΩΣΗ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΝ ΨΗΦΙΑΚΟ ΜΕΤΑΣΧΗΜΑΤΙΣΜΟ ΣΤΗ ΘΕΣΣ...

THE CANADA FILES HOMEFOREIGN POLICY AFRICA ASIA EUROPE NORTH & CENTRAL AMERICA SOUTH AMERICA THE MIDDLE EAST LOCAL ISSUES TORONTO QUEEN'S PARK INDIGENOUS NATIONS THE POLITICS OF SPORTS CANADA COLUMNISTS ADAM RIGGIO ALIENOR ROUGEOT DUSTIN OLSON JOHN CLARKE MOHAMMED SHAFI OTHER CONTRIBUTORS YVES ENGLER PODCASTS RADICAL DEMOCRATS RADIO SETTLERS BRAVE SPACE GET IN TOUCH ABOUT US CONTACT PITCHES & SUBMISSIONS Canadian BDS Coalition wants Trudeau to strip B'nai B'rith of charitable status and ban the JDL Chinese (Traditional)FrenchGermanItalianPortugueseSpanishSwedish Written by: Canadian BDS Coalition Once again the B’nai Brith of Canada, allied with the violent, extreme-right Jewish Defense League, (1) has undertaken a smear campaign aimed at shutting down a pro-Palestinian restaurant in Toronto. Foodbenders, a Toronto area restaurant known for its support for Indigenous rights, Black Lives Matter, Palestinian rights and social justice, has been targeted by the pillars of Canada’s Israel Lobby, most notably the B’nai Brith and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA). The offending piece? This small restaurant owned by a progressive individual named Kimberley Hawkins, dared to paint ‘I Love Gaza’ in the window of the restaurant. On Instagram, Hawkins posted , ‘open now for non-racist shoppers’, #Free Palestine and #ZionistsNotWelcome. This touched off a salvo of angry tweets from B’nai Brith and CIJA denouncing Hawkins as an anti-Semite, thereby equating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism as per the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism. This is a false definition of anti-Semitism meant to silence any legitimate criticism of Israel on the part of groups or individuals. In short, it is a bold-faced attack on the principle of free speech. Numerous Jews state openly that they are anti-Zionists. Does that make them anti-Semitic Jews? Or is it more the case that the Israel Lobby in Canada uses the false notion of anti-Semitism to whitewash Israeli apartheid? Who then are the real racists? The B’nai Brith is known for its open hostility to Muslims. It has staged aggressive demonstrations in front of mosques, has been active in smearing individuals of Muslim faith as was the case when it attacked Hassan Guillet -an Islamic religious leader who gained international attention for speaking out in the aftermath of the Quebec City mosque attack of 2017 - the nominee as candidate for the Quebec riding of St. Leonard. The Liberal Party of Canada, as is its habit, succumbed to the pressure of the Zionist lobby and dropped Guillet. The B’nai Brith even attacked Niki Ashton, an NDP Member of Parliament known for her defense of Indigenous and Palestinian rights, in a disgustingly dishonest attempt to paint her as an anti-Semite. Yet no one dares accuse the B’nai Brith of being a racist organization. “B’nai B’rith has also put out dozens of tweets about the restaurant and different ways to bankrupt it. One statement calls on its supporters to “contact 311@toronto.ca to request that Foodbenders have its business license investigated. Be sure to mention section 27 of By-law No. 574-2000, which prohibits the use of a licensed business to ‘discriminate against any member of the public’ on grounds of ‘race, colour, or creed.’ Attach screenshots if you can.” (2) This from an organization that discriminates against Muslims, this from an organization that blares its support for Black Lives Matter while refusing to denounce the police brutality of which Black Americans and Canadians are victims, this from an organization that preaches from the pulpit while allying itself with the violent JDL (on the FBI list of terror groups in 2001) and its Islamaphobia and thuggery. That an organization such as the B’nai Brith known for its anti-Muslim and anti-Arab bias, should enjoy the status of a charitable organization in Canada (along with the racist Jewish National Fund) is an outrage. On October 29, 2018 the government of Canada introduced revised legislation under Bill C-86 that allows a charity to devote up to 100% of its resources to public policy dialogue and development activities. That comes with a caveat, however. Under the revised measures, charities are prohibited from undertaking activities that support or oppose a political party or candidate for public office. The point in law reads as follows: Prohibited: Supporting or opposing a political party or candidate The Income Tax Act prohibits a charity from devoting any part of its resources to the direct or indirect support of, or opposition to, any political party or candidate for public office.Footnote6 Any activity that supports or opposes a political party or candidate is not a PPDDA, and a charity cannot carry on such an activity to any degree. This requirement is particularly important to remember during an election period, when charities may want to express their views on the policy issues that matter to their supporters. Beyond the requirements of the Income Tax Act, charities are also subject to other legislation governing election and activities surrounding representation to parliamentarians, such as the Canada Elections Act and the Lobbying Act (see Other legal requirements). Under the Income Tax Act, a charity may publicly agree or disagree with a decision or position of a government, but in doing so must not support or oppose any political party or candidate for public office. As a general guideline, a charity’s communications should focus on the policy issue under discussion, and not refer to any candidate or political party. (3) The B’nai Brith has transgressed this stipulation under the Income Tax law on multiple occasions. Considering the impunity with which the B’nai Brith thumbs its nose at the law, the Canadian BDS Coalition demands that the charitable status of the B’nai Brith be investigated by the Canada Revenue Agency with the purpose of adjudicating whether or not the B’nai Brith should continue to have the right to stand as a charitable organization under the Income Tax Law. It is crucial for all concerned and progressive-minded Canadians to stand in solidarity with Kimberley Hawkins and Foodbenders. Given the Israel Lobby’s attempt to ruin her small restaurant business, we encourage our fellow Canadians as well as international supporters to support her business with donations. NOTES: (1) FBI lists Terrorism 2000-2001: https://www.fbi.gov/stats-services/publications/terror The Canadian BDS Coalition is comprised of groups in Canada that support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement targeting Israel’s system of settler-colonialism, occupation, and apartheid towards the Palestinian people. More Articles Foreign policy nationalism must be named and challenged Jul 13, 2020 The United Church of Canada attempts to justify its relationship with pro-Israel lobby | Op-ed Jul 13, 2020 Charities are Not our Friends: WE Corruption Rocks the Trudeau Government Jul 12, 2020 July 14, 2020 NEXT Breaking: City of Toronto raids the AIR Collective, forces the group to disperse SUPPORT OUR PATREON! SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEWSLETTER! Subscribe to receive exclusive news and content from The Canada Files! Enter your email address powered by TinyLetter FOREIGN POLICYLOCAL ISSUESABOUT