samedi 21 juillet 2018

Συγκινητικό! Ο Μίκης Θεοδωράκης μιλάει για την συναυλία στο "Καλλιμάρμαρ...

Titanic Musik Vicky Leandros Titanic Deutsch


And the winner is:  Wal-Mart!


Presidential Election Day in United States

By Daniel Paquet                                                         dpaquet1871@gmail.com

“In a last-ditch effort to rally his supporters and deter his opponent, Donald Trump repeatedly called Hillary Clinton a liar and denounced her actions as criminal as he sought to prevent the presidential contest from slipping out of his grasp.”[1]
However, the US remains the single most powerful democracy (sic) in the world.  A Hillary Clinton victory in November would mean an entirely different global environment to the one that would emerge if the US were to end up with a presidency of the type imagined in the 2004 Philip Roth novel, The Plot Against America, in which the pilot Charles Lindbergh defeats Roosevelt in the 1940 election.”[2]
How could we assess the current economical situation in the U.S.A. nowadays?
“The US economy is expected to strengthen in the second half of 2016 after growing more slowly than potential in the first half.  After five successive quarters of being a drag on growth, inventory investment is expected to contribute positively in the second half. In addition, business should regain momentum.  Specifically a rising oil rig count suggests an improvement in energy investment.  Residential investment also contracted in the second quarter as the composition of housing construction shifted toward smaller homes.  It is expected to resume growing, in line with demographic demand for housing.  Meanwhile, consumption growth has been strong, underpinned by robust consumer confidence and a strong labour market, with ongoing robust job gains over the past several years.
Economic growth is expected to pick up to about 2 per cent on average over 2017 - 2018, as forecast in the July Report.  However, the expected composition of growth has shifted.  Business investment is a projected to expand at a more moderate pace than previously forecast, and the profile for residential investment is expected to be lower.  Offsetting these revisions is a slightly faster pace of consumption growth.  Business investment is now projected to grow about 3 per cent per year over 2017-2018, in line with the anticipated recovery in aggregate demand.  Growth in exports should also pick up as the drag associated with the past appreciation of the US dollar continues to dissipate.
Core PCE (personal consumption expenditure) inflation has risen from its recent trough of 1.4 per cent in the fourth quarter of 2015 and is projected to reach 2 per cent by 2018, as wage pressures rise and the disinflationary effects of the past exchange rate appreciation ease.”[3]
The question is:  what would America look like after fascist-like governments having been in power?
“It may be that national populists and cynical autocrats, but new forms of resistance to bigotry are also emerging.  It may be that national populist have overreached (Trump’s racist and misogynist antics); or that memories of a dark past and the need to avert political catastrophe have come to the fore (Germans wanting to counter the far-right Alternative for Germany, French citizens worried about Le Pen). (…)
But from Clinton’s lead to the surprising strength of Europe’s political centre-ground, and with the novelty of Russia being discredited on many fronts, the picture is not just doom and gloom for the democratically minded.  If this is an interconnected world, then the pushback against national populism may be stronger than we think.”[4]
“A vital lesson of the modern era is that internationalism (e.g. imperialism, -Ed.) has stabilized the world, while lapses into bellicose nationalism have wreaked havoc. (…)
Through the 1990s, for the most part, economies continued to grow, median incomes climbed, jobs were plentiful and markets signaled a bright future.  In 2007, the Dow Jones industrial average soared to a record high. A year later, the euro reached its maximum value against the dollar.  But within a few months, America’s banking and housing sectors had crashed, prompting the worst financial crisis since the 1930s.  Close to nine million Americans lost their jobs and a similar number of homeowners were forced to foreclosures, surrenders of their homes or distress sales.  The decline in national wealth hit the poor and middle class hardest. (…)
The election campaign in the United States has revealed a similar malaise.  Many Americans, especially in rural and blue-collar areas, are pessimistic about the future and nostalgic for a seemingly better past. (…)
(On the other hand), the NATO alliance needs beefing up to help prevent Europe’s political disintegration – and this must be a major priority for any incoming United States administration.
The next president will have domestic challenges as well, given the gridlock between the executive and legislative branches, and an inward turn in the public mood.  The current polarization and dispiriting presidential campaign may also cast a pall over the future.”[5]
As some Canadian columnists put it, there is a resemblance between Donald Trump and some candidates to the leadership of the Conservative Party of Canada; out of them, Kellie Leitch. 
“Long on bombast and short on details, Ms.Leitch’s Canadian value s proposition (to the House of Commons, -Ed.) has a certain Donald Trump-like whiff to it.  And much like Mr. Trump’s various utterings, it might play well for a segment of her party’s base but hasn’t yet proven to be successful with the voting public at large.  Even so, that she sees dividends in exploiting Canadian values says more about that old cliché than many would care of admit  If Ms. Leitch’s campaign gains support, it would as in the case with Mr. Trump’s candidacy, make Canadians acknowledge the level of their hostility toward the  very kind of people who built the country in the first place.”[6]
Surely, several Sanders’ organizers regret even more deeply the resignation of their candidate.  They probably think that he would have done it better. Ms. Clinton’s coziness with Wall Street confirms it unfortunately.
“Some of Mr. Sanders’s admirers have been compelled to consider again what might have been.  With a couple of beaks and more fortunate timing, many of t hem believe, the rumpled socialist really, truly could have been president.  (He had the support of unions, such as) the National Nurses United… (They said) ‘It’s going to look like change.  But it’s not change’.”[7]
Nevertheless, it seems obvious that many voters will express themselves by electing the less of the two evils. 
One commentator wrote: “I just wish more of that (meaning strongly in favour of capitalism, -Ed.) Hillary were campaigning right now and building a mandate for what she really believes.  WikiHillary? I’m with her.  Why?  Let’s start with what Wikileaks says she said at Brazil, Banco Itau event in May 2013:  ‘I think we have to have a concerted plan to increase trade… and we have to resist protectionism, other kinds of barriers to market access and to trade.’  She also said, ‘My dream is a hemispheric common market, with open trade and open borders, sometime in the future with energy that is as green and sustainable as we can get it, powering growth and opportunity for every person in the hemisphere.’  That’s music to my ears.  A hemisphere where nations are trading with one another, and where more people can collaborate and interact for work, study, tourism and commerce, is a region that is likely to be growing more prosperous with fewer conflicts, especially if more of that growth is based on clean energy.”[8]
Nevertheless, “we must also note that Engels is most definite in calling universal suffrage an instrument of bourgeois rule.  Universal suffrage, he says, obviously summing up the long experience of German Social-Democracy, is ‘the gauge of the maturity of the working class.  It cannot and never will be anything more in the present-day state”.[9]
“What is now happening to Marx’s teaching has, in the course of history, happened repeatedly to the teachings of revolutionary thinkers and leaders of oppressed classes struggling for emancipation.  During the life time of great revolutionaries, the oppressing classes constantly hounded them, received their teachings with the most savage malice, the most furious hatred and the most unscrupulous campaigns of lies and slander.  After their death, attempts are made to convert them into harmless icons, to canonize them, so to say, and to surround their names with a certain halo for the ‘consolation’ of the oppressed classes ad with the object of duping the latter, while at the same time emasculating the essence of the revolutionary teaching, blunting its revolutionary edge and vulgarizing it.  At the present time, the bourgeoisie and the opportunists within the working -class movement concur in this ‘doctoring ‘of Marxism. They omit, obliterate and distort the revolutionary side of t his teaching, its revolutionary soul.  They push to the foreground and extol what is or seems acceptable to the bourgeoisie.”[10]
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[1] Slater, Joanna, Trump, Clinton trade attacks in final debate showdown, The Globe and Mail, Toronto, Thursday, October 20, 2016, front page
[2] Nougayrède, Natalie, Backlash against bigotry is under way, The Guardian Weekly 21.10.16, page 19
[3] Bank of Canada, Global Economy, Monetary Policy Report, Ottawa, October 2016, page 3
[4] Ibidem, Nougayrède, page 19
[5] Solana, Javier (former foreign minister of Spain, high representative for the European Union’s common foreign and security policy and secretary general of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization); Talbott, Strobe (president of the Brookings Institution and a former United States deputy secretary of state), How to stop the decline of the West, The New York Times, International Edition, Thursday, October 20, 2016, page 12 and 14
[6] Patriquin, Martin (Québec bureau chief for Macleans’s), TheTrump side of Canada, The New York Times,  International Edition, Thursday, October 20, 2016, page 12 and 14
[7] Flegenheimer, Matt; Alcindor, Yamiche, Some Sanders backers still feeling regret,  The New York Times, International Edition, Thursday, October 20, 2016, page 4
[8] Friedman, Thomas L., Supporting WikiHillary for president, The New York Times, International Edition, Thursday, October 20, 2016, front page
[9] Lenin, V.I., The State and Revolution, Foreign Languages Press, Peking 1970, Reprinted by Red Star Publishers, U.S.A., 2014, page 10
[10] Ibidem, Lenin, page 3

jeudi 19 juillet 2018


Marxist-Leninist Philosophy and Imperialism

Is US Imperialism heading towards a new world war?


By Daniel Paquet, dpaquet1871@gmail.com

“Since the masses represent the determining force of economic and political development, they make a sizable contribution to the advancement of culture-science and art.  These arose and developed on the basis of people’s labour activities and, at the initial stages, formed a component part of them.  By transforming reality and by creating new material goods that do not exist in a natural form, the masses developed t heir consciousness, mental abilities and capacity to create spiritual values, which are a materialized generalization of people’s transforming activities.  Later on, when manual labour separated from intellectual work, spiritual activity became a monopoly of special social groups-classes.  Even then, the role of the masses in the development of culture did not diminish, for the latter has its roots deep among ideas, feelings and strivings cherished by the masses. Maxim Gorky wrote that the people constitute not only the force that creates material wealth, but also the only eternal source of spiritual values.”[1]
“For centuries, Russia has been a resource-exporting country, an economic laggard and a touchy partner, driven by a European culture and a decidedly un-European body politic. (…)
Its one successful reform since 2000 has been to revamp and re-equip its armed forces. (…)
But the Russian population seems to accept falling incomes and general uncertainty as the price of what is leaders portray as national resurgence.  (…)
Arguably, Russia is the only major power that no longer hesitates to shatter longstanding relationships with others. (…)
Russia no longer sees itself as a power seeking to escape isolation imposed by the West for occupying Crimea and intervening in Ukraine.  Instead, it pursues the claim of a victorious power whose transgressions become irrelevant because winners don’t have to justify themselves. (…)
In short, the Kremlin has made its decisions:  Put the onerous domestic problems aside, play the power game, do not blink, and call everything the West says a bluff.  A victory, this thinking goes, will one day recoup all costs. (…)
Any regime presiding over a backward oil-dependent economy will not be able to modernize it by waging wars and poisoning every relationship it still has.  It may not happen soon, but someday in the future, Russia will have to take up the hard work of fixing both its economic base and its position among its peers.”[2]
It clearly means that if Russian authorities want to be part of the Imperialist gang, they have to follow the rule, which is first to follow the leadership of the strongest, which is to abide by US domination.
The policy of socialist Soviet Union was quite different of capitalist Russia in international matters.
At that time, it was clear to all that: “The natural tendency of major capitalist countries, the U.S., Britain, and France, therefore, leads to militarism, new wars, and the enslavement and systematic robbery of other countries.  Ultimately, only the abolition of imperialism in the U.S., Britain, and France – the overthrow of capitalism in these countries – will end their tendencies to aggression.  Important work remains to be done, however, even though favorable conditions for the assumption of power in any imperialist country may not yet exist:  Communists should focus on encouraging and leading the peace movement and other democratic forces.  The peace movement, Stalin writes, can play a very positive role in ‘preventing’ or ‘temporarily postponing’ a particular war, or in temporarily preserving a particular peace. (…)
The duty of Communists in the U.S., for example, entails advocacy of the right of nations to independent development free from U.S. imperialism, to include the explicit right of Cuba and other countries to become and remain socialist, free from any U.S. invasion, blockade, or other interference.”[3]
Meanwhile, these days, world peace is compromise as would say Baron Clausewitz.
“In another apparently orchestrated message to the US, Chinese and Russian military officials held a joint briefing on their opposition to Washington’s plans to deploy  an anti-ballistic missile system in South Korea. (…)
Cai Jun, a general in the People’s Liberation Army, said Russia and China would hold a second set of missile defence joint maneuvers next year, following a first round in Moscow in May.  The drills underline how opposition to US has driven Russia and China closer together on military matters.” [4]

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[1] Sheptulin, A. P., Marxist-Leninist Philosophy, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1978, pages 486-487
[2] Trudolyubov, Maxim, A Russia-U.S. alliance sinks, The New York Times International Edition, Thursday, October 13, 2016, page 16
[3] Connolly, James, Stalin on Socialist Construction and the Transition to Communism :  Against Revisionism & For Building the New Society, Real Existing Socialism : http//realexistingsocialism.blogspot.com Mt. Vernon, U.S.A., August 2009, page11
[4] Clover, Charles, South China Sea expert floats idea of Beijing air defence zone, Financial Times, Thursday 13 October 2016, page 5

lundi 16 juillet 2018


JULY 1st: CANADA DAY


A Marxist approach to the 150th anniversary of Canada (July 1st, 1867-2017)


By Daniel Paquet                           dpaquet1871@gmail.com                                                                               
What really occurred on July 1st 1867?  Well, a meeting of merchants, bankers and people of liberal professions took place in Fredericton (capital city of the Province Prince-Edward Island).  They decided to establish a common market, more or less independent from Great Britain, that continued to include them in the Commonwealth and gave them protection.  Nowadays, it is a day of celebrations; but it has nothing to do for instance with July 14th in France, while in 1789, the French people seized the political power, abolished monarchy and proclaimed a Republic, with notably the ideas of the Lumières.  For instance, Robespierre, one of the leaders of this Revolution was especially inspired by Le Contrat social, masterpiece of Jean-Jacques Rousseau.  In Canada (which could mean in one of the several Amerindian languages:  the small village), nothing of the sort happened.  It was rather quiet.
In paradox, the working people around the world gave themselves a day of remembrance for past struggles and a day of festivities to always keep in mind the historical battles of the proletariat. As says the Russian leader, Lenin: “the trade unions were a tremendous step forward for the working class in the early days of capitalist development, inasmuch as they marked a transition from the workers’ disunity and helplessness to the rudiments of class organization…” [1] This special day is called May Day and it takes place on May the First every year all around the world.  In a nutshell, Canadian Confederation Day of British colonies has no people’s content, while May Day has a specific international struggle’s significance.  But we can say that Canadian Communists gave a particular meaning to the peoples of Canada as the need to break the unequal union between English-speaking Canada and Québec (and it goes as well with the Native peoples, immigrants, etc.  For Québec, the Communists claim the right of the French-Canadian nation to self-determination up and including the right to secede if such is the will of the people in Québec.
A new party emerged in 1921, the Communist Party of Canada and as said one of its past General Secretary, Tim Buck, in 1965:  “… We will build the Communist party, strengthen the Party, and extend our influence in preparation for the change which I know is going to come.”[2]
Now as for those who believe and especially maneuver for the workers to stay away from this revolutionary party, let’s remember Lenin’s word: “Class political consciousness can be brought to the workers only from without, that is only from outside on the economic struggle, from outside of the sphere of relations between workers and employers.”[3]
Could we not have a last word on the State which calls in a viewpoint of its realization in Canada?  “The State is, therefore by no means a power forced on society from without; just as little is it, the reality, of the ethical idea,’ ‘the image and reality of reason,’ as Hegel maintains.  Rather, it is a product  of society at a certain stage of development.; it is the admission that this society has become entangled in an insoluble contradiction with itself, that it is cleft into irreconcilable antagonisms, cases with conflicting economic interest, might not consume themselves and society  in sterile struggle, a power seemingly standing above society became necessary for the purpose of moderating the conflict of keeping it within the bounds of ‘order’; and this power , arisen out of society, but placing itself above it, and increasingly alienating itself from it, is the state.” [4]  The Manifesto of the Communist Party, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels develops this thesis fully; as well as the brochure published by Lenin, whose name is The State and Revolution.
While Canada is ranking second for its size, after Russia; the population is rather small:  34 millions, with a national minority (the Québécois), of around 8, 6 millions.  Both nations would have a lot to lose politically and economically being independent one from the other.

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[1] Lenin, On the Organizational Principles of a Proletarian Party, Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, Moscow, 1972, page 271).
[2] Reminiscences of Tim Buck, Yours in the Struggle, NC Press Limited, Toronto, 1977, page 405).
[3] Lenin, V.I., What is to be done, Foreign Languages Press, Peking, 1973¬Reprinted by Red Star Publishers, U.S.A., 2014, page 73).
[4] Edited by Robert C. Tucker, The Marx-Engels Reader, W. W. Norton & Company, New York – London, 1978, page 752).

jeudi 12 juillet 2018


About some Greek thinkers

By Daniel Paquet 
                                                             dpaquet1871@gmail.com
ARISTOTLE

“Certain notions of the separate, isolated existence of phenomena and their interconnection appeared together with the emergence of philosophy.  Thus, the first Greek philosophers took interconnection as the basic principle for explaining various phenomena.  By taking a substance or natural phenomenon (air, water, fire) as the original source, Greek philosophers showed that all phenomena had appeared as a result of certain changes in that substance (phenomenon) and that, being but different states of one and the same nature, they were intrinsically interconnected, passing from one into another and into the original source. (...)
The first Greek philosophers regarded interconnection as the interpassage of phenomena into each other.  Later, however, this view was succeeded by another one, according to which interconnection was a mechanical joining and unjoining of the same immutable elements.  This view was held by Empedocles and Anaxagoras, among others.  Aristotle overcame the limitations of this dependence of things.  Aristotle wrote: ‘All relatives have correlatives…’  He was the first to declare ‘relation’ as a category, thus lending it the necessary generality.
In contrast to Plato, Aristotle rejected the existence of an insurmountable wall between possibility and reality, although he acknowledged the separate, independent existence of these two categories.  He believed that the possible can turn into the real, and vice versa.  He considered primordial matter to be pure possibility, while the form that ultimately merged with God, who was the form of forms, was in this view pure reality.  The blending of form with matter resulted in the appearance of qualitatively definite things possessing possible and real existence and changing when one opposite (possibility) changed into another (reality).   According to Aristotle, the transition of possibility into reality did not occur as a result of forces and tendencies inherent in a thing – it was connected with the action of external factors, of outside force, i.e. of a certain really existing thing.  From a thing existing as a possibility, he believed, as a result of the action of another thing, also existing in reality.”[1]

Aristotle was born in 384 B.C. in the northern town of Stagira, far from the intellectual centre of Greece.  His father, Nicomachus, was a physician attached to the court of Philip of Macedon, and a plausible speculation ascribes to paternal influence not only Aristotle’s later connection with the Macedonian dynasty but also his powerful interest in, and love of, things scientific.
In 367, Aristotle moved south to Athens. Whether or not he was originally attracted there by the pull of Plato, he quickly became associated with the Academic circle, that brilliant band of philosophers, scientists, mathematicians and politicians which gathered in Athens under the inspiring leadership of Plato.
In 323 Alexander died in Babylon.  When the news reached Athens Aristotle, unwilling to share the fate of Socrates, left the city lest the Athenians put a second philosopher to death.  He went to Chalcis, where he died a few months later.  His will, which has survived, is a happy and humane document.”[2]

Furthermore, Aristotle says: “Whatever is incapable of participating in the association which we call the state, a dumb animal for example and equally whatever is perfectly self-sufficient and has not need to (e.g. a god), is not a part of the state at all.
 Among all men, then, there is a natural impulse towards this kind of association; and the first man to construct a state deserves credit for conferring very great benefits.  For as man is the best of all animals when he has reached his full development, so he is worst of all when divorced from law and justice.  Injustice armed is hardest to deal with; and though man is born with weapons which he can use in the service of practical wisdom and virtue, it is all too easy for him to use them for the opposite purposes. Hence man without virtue is the most savage, the most unrighteous, and the worst in regard to sexual license and gluttony.  The virtue of justice is a feature of a state; for justice is the arrangement of the political association and a sense of justice decides what is just.”[3]

PLATO
“The ancient Greek philosopher Plato… represented objective idealism.  In his view, the real world around us consisted of ideal substances, while sensuous things were but imperfect copies of the latter that emerged as a result of the blending of an idea with amorphous matter existing merely as a possibility. (…)
Platonism is based on the division of all that exists into the real world, consisting of general ideas (‘ideal essences’), and the unreal world, made up of assorted sensuous things, being just a reflection or a shadow of the real world (the world of ideas).  To illustrate the correlations between the world of sensuous things (the unreal world) and the world of ideas (the real world), Plato gives the following example. Imagine a man chained to a pole in a dark cave, his back always to the entrance from where the sunlight comes, so that he cannot see what is going on outside the cave.
Plato believes that the world of ideas is integral thanks to the Idea of the Good, and is eternal, whereas separate things and phenomenon are transient and temporary.  They emerge from the amorphous and vague being (matter) as a result of combining with a certain idea, but as soon as the idea abandons the thing it has created, the latter ceases to exist.  It follows then that real things and phenomena are created by ideas, which ultimately take their beginning in God.
Plato’s theory of ideas was severely criticized by Aristotle, whose teaching is the pinnacle of ancient Greek philosophy. (…)
Aristotle proved that no general ideas exist outside and independently of things.  Aristotle vacillated between materialism and idealism.  He held that all things originated from primordial matter characterized by vagueness and a lack of form, i.e. in fact it was just the possibility of existence.  This possibility turned into a real sensuous thing only when matter combined with a form (Aristotle’s term), which gave it definiteness.  Although Aristotle, world view was basically materialist, it also had idealistic overtones.” [4]

Plato was born in 427 BC, (he died in -347) some four years after the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War and just over a year after the death of Pericles.  His father, Ariston, who died when Plato was a few years old, was a member of an old and distinguished Athenian family, as was also his mother Perictone.  Ariston and Perictone had two other sons, both older than Plato, Adeimantus and Glaucon, who are two of the main characters in the Republic.  After Ariston’s death Pericton married again, as was the normal Greek custom, her second husband being Pyrilampes, a close friend and supporter of Pericles and himself prominent in public life.  Plato thus came of a distinguished family with many political connections.  Through his stepfather he had a link with Pericles, who gave his name to the great age of Athenian history, and to whom Athenian democracy, as Plato knew it, owed many of its characteristic features…
And it is important to remember what a democracy in fifth- and fourth century Greece was like.  The Greeks lived in city-states, small communities consisting of a ‘city’ nucleus, with an area of agricultural land attached, from which the urban population varied in size, but were all small by the standards of a modern city.  The population of Athens when Plato was born was perhaps 200-300,000, including men, women, and slaves; and Athens was by Greek standards large. In a democracy the vote was confined to the adult male citizen population. At Athens slaves may have numbered some 60-80,000, and there were perhaps 35 – 40,000 ‘metics’, that is residents who because they had been born elsewhere did not qualify for citizenship.”[5]

Greater Athens’ population is 3,413,990 in 2015 accordingly to Le Petit Larousse dictionary at page 1297.
“The question of possibility and reality has been attracting philosophers’ attention since ancient times.  Plato’s solution, for instance, was to distinguish possible form actual or real existence.  He held that the world of ideas and ideal essences possessed the property of real being, whereas the world of things possessed possible being.  Since it could not change into reality and acquire real existence. There was, Plato believed, a necessary division between real and possible being.”[6]
SOPHOCLES
We then had a ‘dialogue’, with two giants of human thought; tragedians of this era were also brilliant thinkers.  Sophocles (born ca. 496 B.C., died after 413) was one of the three major authors of Greek tragedy.  Of his 123 plays, only seven survive in full.  Antigone, written and first performed in the late 440s B.C., is among his most often revived plays; its strong roles, and its conflicts between individual morality (championed by a brave young woman) and the overbearing political needs of the state, have never lost their compelling interest through the generations.”[7]
 
Others include:  Ajax, The Women of Trachis, Electra, Philoctetes.”[8]


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[1] Sheptulin, A. P., Marxist-Leninist Philosophy, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1978, pages 187-188, 239
[2] Aristotle, Introduction to Ethics, Penguin  Classics, Markham, 1976, pages 10-11
[3] Aristotle, The Politics, The State as an Association, Penguin Classics, Toronto, 1981, page I ii
[4] Sheptulin, pages 18, 38-40
[5] Plato, The Republic, Translator’s Introduction, Penguin Classics, Toronto, 1987, page xxv
[6] Sheptulin, pages 238-239
[7] Sophocles, Antigone, Dover Publications, Inc., New York, 1993, page v
[8] Grene, David; Lattimore, Richmond, The Complete Greek Tragedies, A Washington Square Press Book,        New York, 1973, 264 pages